The World Economic Forum wrote last month that Syria’s revolution of 2011 started as a call for reform and change within the state and, in trying to defeat those calls, accusations of sectarianism and prejudice were used to discredit either side. Most recently, Yemen’s internal struggles have been cast as a sectarian struggle when, at heart, it is one about resources and power. The list goes on.
Almost all republics or labelled as such of the MENA region as opposed to the monarchies, sultanates and / or emirates, are going one way or another through upheaval.
Here is Juliette Harkin, Associate Lecturer, Politics and International Relations atAnglia Ruskin Universitycatching those elements of governance that really count in a Middle Eastern background. A background of generalised state failure or incapacity to share with the rest of the world amongst many things, the benefits of democratic values.
As Syrian president Bashar al-Assad prosecutes his 18th year in office, he is presenting himself as a secular leader in a sea of Islamist extremism and terror. But his record makes a mockery of that claim. However long he stays in office, he will forever be remembered a president who oversaw the devastation of his country and resorted to hideous attacks on civilians in order to remain in power. And as for Assad’s pretentions to secularism, the foundations of his government’s supposed ideology were cast away even before he succeeded his father as president.
The Syrian government’s professed secularism dates back decades, and derives from the school of political thought known as Arab Baathism, the core principles of which were Arab unity, freedom and socialism. In the years after World War II, these were not hollow words, they were political imperatives in the struggle against colonialism and elite rule.
The Syrian branch of the Baathist movement came to power in a coup d’état in 1963. In the 1970s, one of the military officers involved in the coup, Hafez al-Assad, took the helm and steadily entrenched the his family and its political network as the rulers of Syria.
As the Assad family took control, it exploited the infrastructure of the Arab Baath movement and party to retain power. But for all that they paid lip service to Baathist principles, the Assads were less interested in serving the Syrian people than in dominating them. Decades later, the political traditions of Arab Baathism are long dead, and Assadism holds sway in its place.
Government for the few
The gap between these two modes of government is all too apparent. Central to influential strands of Baathist thought was an inclusive definition of what it meant to “be Arab” – a definition that revolved around geographical, cultural and linguistic aspects of being an Arab rather than mere ethnic origin.
Yet the supposedly Baathist Syria was never so inclusive; its Kurds, in particular, have been suppressed for decades. Baathism was supposed to rise above sectarian and ethnic differences among Arabs, but in Assadist Syria, sectarian differences were fanned from the start.
As for notions of equality, the benefits of economic reforms were distributed unevenly and selectively, marginalising communities in the Syrian provinces even as elites enriched themselves.
The older and younger Assads followed similar paths. Where Hafez al-Assad violently crushed dissent in the city of Hama in the 1980s, and nurtured complex social and political allegiances, his son Bashar continued a programme of economic reform that benefited big industry and established a broad patronage network.
In some respects Bashar was a reformist and forward-looking president, introducing the internet and allowing a private media sector to develop. But his reformist agenda ultimately devolved into runaway capitalism and rapacious self-enrichment for a small clique of Syrian families and businesses. Today, it’s these people who are central to the government’s survival.
Locking up power
It didn’t have to be this way. In the early years of Bashar’s reign, there briefly seemed to be a window for civil society to open up – but soon enough, that window was closed. Key opposition figures such as Michel Kilo were imprisoned, and the brief Damascus Spring of 2000-1 was bitterly shut down.
But once we accept that Assadism was never truly concerned with promoting a secular and equal society, it’s easier to understand why today’s government is working so closely with such odd bedfellows as the theocracy in Iran and the religiously conservative Hezbollah.
A longstanding feature of Assadist rule has been a tendency to lock up secular and leftist thinkers and intellectuals. The communists were locked in Syria’s prisons together with the Islamists, and anyone else who spoke out of line. If not imprisoned, anyone who might pose a threat was co-opted. Pockets of space for some Sunni sheikhs to promote their religious thought and practice – notably in the education system – were bartered in exchange for blind loyalty.
Since the 2011 revolution, the government has aligned itself with and promoted a proto-fascist nationalism that encourages an utter disdain for the majority of Syrians, namely the pious Sunnis who live in restive areas of Syria’s provinces and countryside. And any claim the government had to lead a resistance against oppression were severely tested when a new grassroots opposition emerged in Syria’s towns and villages only to be cruelly crushed by government forces.
Claims to resistance and to be the voice of the Palestinian cause merely obscure a politics of pragmatic self-preservation and dictatorial practices. It has always been progressive leftist voices that have posed the most threat to Assad’s rule. The troika of myths about the Syrian state – that it is secular, modern, and leads the resistance against imperial and Zionist threats – simply do not bear scrutiny.
Who actually benefits from the continuation of Assadism? The same people who were embedded in the Assadist networks and enriched themselves before the 2011 revolution and current civil war. They are doing well out of Syria’s war economy, which has made some people very rich. And even as Assad oversees brutal attacks on civilians and one of the world’s worst refugee crises, the war provides disturbing new symbols and ideas to provide a rationale for his continued rule.
The 2 stories below could be appreciated as nothing unusual happening in the Gulf, were it not for the ensuing agreements to be carried out whilst the whole region or specifically Qatar being presently blockaded by its neighbouring countries not only diplomatically but also in its transportation transfers by sea, air and land with the rest of the world.
We all remember, the US President during his visit to Saudi Arabia in May signed $110bn of arms deals. And more recently the US State Department approved the sale of $500m of military equipment and services last Wednesday. This has still to go through the US Congress that has 30 days to review the sale for approval.
In the meantime, Qatar per one of its dailies The Peninsula of January 18, 2018 has agreed to the following.
Qatar signed a security agreement with NATO at the Alliance’s Headquarters in Brussels on Tuesday, January 16, 2018, NATO said on their website.
At the signing ceremony, Brigadier General Tariq Khalid M F Alobaidli, Head of the International Military Cooperation Department, Armed Forces of Qatar, and NATO Deputy Secretary General Rose Gottemoeller, stressed the importance of NATO’s cooperation with Qatar in the framework of the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative (ICI).
This security agreement provides the framework for the protection of exchange of classified information, as defined by all 29 member countries. These agreements are signed by NATO partner countries that wish to engage in cooperation with NATO. This enables the Individual Partnership and Cooperation Programmes (IPCP) of the ICI countries with NATO to be implemented as effectively as possible.
London: An agreement to establish a joint operations fleet between Qatar and the UK to ensure mutual combat readiness and increase joint measures in the fight against terrorism and the development of strategic efforts towards stability in the region and beyond, was announced by Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of State for Defense Affairs H E Dr Khalid bin Mohammed Al Attiyah.
The fleet will play a vital role in the protection of airspace during the 2022 World Cup, which will be hosted in Qatar despite the efforts of some sides to thwart Qatar’s hosting of the event, the minister said.
Dr Al Attiyah made the remarks during a speech that he gave at the London-based Royal United Services Institute (RUSI) and touched on several regional and international issues.
At the beginning of the speech, Dr Al Attiyah expressed his pleasure at being at RUSI, which, he said, is a reliable partner in providing training courses for Qatari Foreign Ministry’s diplomats since 2014.
He highlighted the extension of this cooperation to include training program of officers, from which 26 middle- and high-ranking officers have recently graduated to become better equipped to serve the country and advance their defence and intelligence capabilities by applying what they have learned at the leading institute.
The deputy prime minister expressed his delighted to be back in the United Kingdom, which, he said, has a special place in his heart as he flew a warplane during his training at the Royal Air Force base in Wales I.
Despite his retirement, Dr Al Attiyah said he still carries memories of those days and the friendships that he has built with fellow candidates since then.
Dr Al Attiyah said his current visit to London represents a very important moment in Doha’s ongoing efforts to engage with its allies in the U.K. in developing and strengthening their strategic joint military relationship.
He noted that the two sides have recently signed a major agreement on defence cooperation regarding the purchase of 24 Typhoon fighter jets. The agreement, he said, strengthens the historic friendship between the two countries and develops a defence partnership aimed at achieving their common security goals.
Dr Al Attiyah added that the agreement directly contributes to the preservation and creation of tens of thousands of job opportunities in the UK.
The minister spoke about the impact of the arbitrary measures taken by the so-called quartet against Qatar. He said that since June 5, the Qatari government and people have been harassed through the decision of three Gulf counties to cut their economic, political, military and social ties with Qatar.
These abnormal measures, Dr Al Attiyah said, did not stop there as Qatar’s only land border was closed and the people were forced to break away from their families in these neighbouring countries.
In this regard, he said that the recent publication of the report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, which included humanitarian violations resulting from unilateral coercive actions by the four states, has enhanced the right of the State of Qatar in face of the illegal and inhumane acts towards the people of Qatar.
Dr Al Attiyah expressed his pride in the level of commitment shown by the men and women of Qatar towards its adherence to its sovereignty and freedom. He also expressed his pride in their dignity and determination during these difficult times, pointing out that the four countries tried to underestimate the Qatari people by referring to the size of their country and population.
He stressed that the size of a country is not measured in this way but rather by its contributions to the renaissance of humanity through disciplines such as arts and sciences as well as the values of human rights, tolerance and the rule of law, which, he added, the State of Qatar adheres to.
Dr Al Attiyah said that Qatar has spared no effort in its fight against extremist ideology and the elimination of terrorism in all its forms to ensure that all groups that violate international law, commit grave violations of human rights and terrorize societies, are brought to justice.
“We have provided operational and technical support to our allies and we have taken the fight beyond the battlefield and into education in the fight against terrorism,” he said, pointing to the establishment of educational and development programs in the Arab region and beyond such as the Educate A Child program, which are committed to providing quality education to tens of millions of children around the world.
These programs, the deputy prime minister said, achieved most of their goals by working in 54 countries to date providing quality education to nearly nine million schoolchildren.
Dr Al Attiyah added that the laws and legislations of the state reflect its commitment to supporting and funding the actual international war on terrorism.
A surprising appointment of a New Prime Minister was decided upon yesterday by the presidency of the republic in replacement of the previous three months old government.
Any project is necessarily represented by political, social and economic forces otherwise it would be doomed to failure. The major challenge for Algeria at this conjecture would mean Algeria in need of foresight and adaptation strategies to implement operational instruments capable of identification so as to anticipate changes in the behaviour of the economic, political and social actors at geostrategic level.
There is a dialectic link between development and security, because without sustainable development there is necessarily increase of insecurity that has rising costs. Algeria per the reckoning of many international experts has the full potential, subject to far-reaching reforms, to establish a diversified economy responsible for the creation of sustainable jobs and therefore lead towards more stability not only of the country itself but of the entire region.
In order however to avoid perverse effects that might be harmful to its development, it would be dangerous for the future of Algeria to go into a monologue, fill the void inherited from the rentier culture of the past and allow certain organizations that are unable to mobilize society because of their non-credibility to deliver to activism without real impact.
There is a theory in political science that says 80% of poorly targeted and disorderly actions that are covered by activism have an impact on 20% on objectives and conversely 20% of well-targeted actions have an impact on 80%. The price of oil drop will definitely remain low for at least some medium term duration before being affected by the new on-coming technologies.
This would mean adaptation strategies are urgent and whilst avoiding the illusion of a model of linear energy consumption as of outdated models of the 70s and 80s as based on material development whereas we are at the dawn of the fourth economic revolution. This will predominantly be geared by and through the Internet of Things and Artificial Intelligence, see latest report of the World Economic Forum titled «The Impact of the Fourth Industrial Revolution».
We must imperatively reframe the debate, avoid the utopias of the past and adapt to the new world through a language of truth and tackle the essence and not appearances. As I demonstrated recently in a long interview to the US daily American Herald Tribune of December 28, 2016 and in the French financial daily La Tribune of May 07, 2017, I would like to consider the stability of Algeria, as a strategic element acting in favour of the stability of the entire region, which does not mean some form of status-quo, but to carry out reforms in a positively historical movement. This could be a prerequisite for the recovery of the required national cohesion and the construction of a home front as a solid and sustainable support for political and socio-economic reforms that are in fact challenges of the new world of today and of the future. In the areas of political and economic changes, social and cultural would include the pivot and central element of good governance and the reform of the school taking account of the Foundation of the development era of the 21st century based on knowledge.
The strategic objective must reconcile modernity and cultural authenticity, economic efficiency and a deep social justice if one wants to run to avoid the marginalization of Algeria within the global society with meanings geostrategic implications. Government and Opposition must agree for a national renewal of Algeria.
It will be what the Algerians will want it to be. The devil being in the details it is up to us with regards to healing like involving a broad National Front inclusive of all sensibilities, tolerating all differences of ideas, a source of mutual enrichment. To finish on and regardless of whoever is the appointee as a Prime Minister, prerogative falling exclusively onto the President of the Republic, the important thing is to focus on the best interests of the country.
For this reason I wish every success to Mr. Ahmed Ouyahia, who was head of Government in the past at the time I chaired the National Council on privatization between 1996 and 1999. Gloom apart, Algeria having all potentialities out of the current crisis, because failure would be harmful to the country and thus geostrategic implications of destabilization of the entire region.
Algeria in this difficult environment of fiscal pressures and geostrategic tensions needs stability, to bring together instead of dividing through a productive dialogue and a shared sacrifice generalised to each and every citizen. And through sustainable development, encourage all producers of wealth for the benefit of all its children, taking into account the harsh reality of the world, a world in perpetual motion or any Nation who don’t advance not necessarily stop.
The MENA region is yet again under horrendous pressures not only within the usual northern part of the Middle East and lately in the Gulf area but still in that part of the North African desert. This story is about Libya, a country that has known nothing but unrest and upheaval since its forced change of regime in 2011. More recently a UN report informed that the UAE violated Libya’s arms embargo by secretly supplying the concerned in this article. Would this have any bearing with the outcome as proposed in this article?
Would also this liberation mean reunification and a unique and central authority over the country? Only time can tell but one thing is sure in that all countries surrounding Libya would sight with relief if this is achieved.
Would this be accounted for in the Qatar blockade resolution? In any case, here is the BBC’s story.
The image above is of REUTERS — Benghazi saw fierce clashes between the LNA and Islamist militants this week
The head of the self-styled Libyan National Army (LNA) has said his forces “liberated” the eastern Benghazi city after years of fighting with Islamists.
Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar said the city now enters a new era of “security, peace and reconciliation”.
If confirmed, victory would mark a major advance for the one-time commander in the army of late strongman Muammar Gaddafi.
The LNA is not recognised by Libya’s UN-backed government in Tripoli.
Libya’s unrest since the 2011 ousting of Gaddafi saw extremist organisations, including so-called Islamic State, gain a foothold in the country.
In a televised speech on Wednesday, Field Marshal Haftar said that “after a continuous struggle against terrorism and its agents that lasted more than three years… we announce to you the liberation of Benghazi”.
Image copyright REUTERS – – – – Khalifa Haftar has backing from some foreign powers
His announcement comes after bloody battles this week in Benghazi’s Sabri district in which dozens of LNA fighters and various local Islamist militants died.
Pictures posted on social media sites showed some civilians in Benghazi and other parts of the country celebrating the end of a bitter conflict that left large parts of the country’s second city in ruins and displaced thousands of people in recent years.
But Field Marshal Haftar also has many political and armed opponents in Libya. He does not recognise the government in Tripoli, and instead backs the authorities in the east. Opponents accuse the commander, who has backing from some foreign powers, of trying to impose autocratic rule in Libya.
Divided opinion – analysis by Rana Jawad, BBC North Africa correspondent
Benghazi’s conflict over the last three years at times appeared to have no end in sight, and – as it grew – so too did the Field Marshal Haftar’s political and military ambitions.
This is a significant gain for him, and a city that has been aching for respite from the war. Opinions over the conflict in Benghazi are largely divided; many will be celebrating what they see as a war brought to their doorstep by Islamist militias at a time when political actors in Libya barely acknowledged there was a problem there, despite the near daily bombings and killings in the city.
Others view it as a product of a man who was power-hungry and lumped up all of his enemies under the banner of “Islamist terrorists” to pave the way for a future political role through the might of the gun. His short address dedicated to the people of Libya had an unusually reconciliatory tone, but it is not one that will ease worries over what his, or his opponents’ next move might be.
In Libya today, a military victory in one battlefield often opens the door to conflict in others.
The Council of Ministers, met on Wednesday in Algiers under the chairmanship of the President of the Republic, Abdelaziz Bouteflika. It adopted an Action Plan for the newly appointed Government of Mr. Abdelmadjid Tebounne.
This Action Plan which will be submitted shortly before the National Assembly, is part of the continuation of the implementation of the programme of the President of the Republic, according to a statement of the Presidency of the Republic.
Tebboune Government’s Guidelines from the President
The Government Action Plan as adopted by the Council of Ministers meeting on June 14, 2017, noting first that the oil price crisis has presumably settled in a long term, would require Algeria to face up to major demanding challenges that would include dynamization of reforms for implementing all socio-economic actions, along the lines that I summarise in seven key areas as follows.
The need to continue the implementation of the budgetary policy of the adopted last year’s rationalisation to redress public finances by 2019.
So as to not impact public investment programs, promote non-conventional internal financing that could be mobilized for a financial transition of a few years.
Avoid for as much as possible the recourse to external debt and contain further all imports volumes of goods and services for the purpose of preserving the reserves of foreign exchange.
Continue the implementation of the new model of growth adopted in 2016 by the Council of Ministers, including its component of reforms so as to improve the investment environment, and the modernization of the tax system, public banks and financial market.
Enhance all the country’s riches and resources available, including conventional and non-conventional fossil and renewable energy.
Work on social justice and national solidarity for a greater rationalization of a just social policy, including better targeting of subsidies.
Adopt an effective communication policy towards public opinion, and carry on a continuous dialogue with all economic and social partners.
In short, it will be for the Government to produce at a dated deadline, all reforms and necessary synchronization with all sectoral actions taking into account the unavoidable budget external and internal constraints as highlighted with force during this Council. firstname.lastname@example.org
What are the prospects for the newly appointed Government of Abdelmadjid TEBBOUNE? Will we see the status-quo or reform from June 2017 to April 2019 in Algeria? Or the latter being the country’s next presidential election, will we as stated in some international media, be focusing on the distribution of rent to temporarily appease the social front without strategic visions, Ministers confined in the management of the day-to-day business.
Or, per the great wish of the majority of Algerians, the country whilst confronted to real issues, the resolution of which will involve profound political, economic and social adjustments.
The new Government’s 12 Number challenges could perhaps be as follows.
The strategic objective whilst reflecting on the high rate (70%) of abstention and blank votes of the elections of May 04, 2017, is to put into place some political, social and economic intermediation in order to hopefully avoid direct confrontation of State citizens to allow mechanisms of dialogue between all political, economic and social of society without any exclusiveness, avoiding any form of the authoritarian past. With the world being more and more of a House of glass with the Internet revolution that actually opens up to all facets of society through more space and freedom. All segments of society want their share of the hydrocarbon rent and immediately, not believing anymore in demagogic speeches and empty promises, the goal is to restore confidence in the future, and avoid this growing citizen-state divorce by a deep moralization of the political and economic life of society.
Globalization, a reality that whilst avoiding chimeras will have to be taken into account when considering the impacts of all recent global changes, the geostrategic stakes for the region including the Sahel, the integration of the Maghreb and more generally of North Africa, bridge between Europe and Africa so as to better face up the multiple challenges with the comparative advantage of this country and inscribe it into the Euro-Mediterranean and African space. One must realistically analyze the strategic implications of the Association Agreement that binds Algeria to Europe since September 1st, 2005, after having had a break of three years. How then to arrange for a set-up of competitive enterprises in terms of cost and quality to this horizon? It is similarly of the same with the future agreement which will be even more binding of Algeria’s accession to the Organization World Trade (WTO). In this context, it is urgent to fix all those inconsistent and 1970’s modelled socio-economics and industrial development policies, whilst notably taking into account the fourth world economic revolution.
School reform has not only economic but cultural and political implications in the shaping of tomorrow’s Algerian citizen. It is in this context about how to also integrate the country’s educated youth including that of the emigration with its important potential that is the mother of all reforms. The socio-educational system got itself bureaucratised over the years, from the primary to the higher levels through also the vocational training and continuing education, posing the problem of the mastery of new technologies, having preferred the dominance of quantity over quality with up to 2 million students by 2020. Without however the primacy of the Knowledge Economy, any reform would be doomed to failure and everything else is a merely empty speech (1).
Away from administrative measures, it will be a matter of fighting off the bureaucratic system that discourages any creative initiative and that produced all that informal business sphere of more than 50% of the total country’s economic base where everything is treated in cash, thus promoting tax evasion, referring to the complete overhaul of the State. Basically this involves a debate on the future role of the State, far from the centralized model, so as to achieve a transition to a market economy with social purpose and reconcile efficiency and deep social justice.
Productive private sector characterised specific market does not exist and the State sector would have to evolve towards a competitive framework, frankly address a never too late program of de-monopolization (new local and international private investment sector) and privatization (transfer all or part of existing assets) as a complementary process to allow the transition of economic growth , posing the problem of the role of the State in the transition to a mastered competitive market economy.
Economic regionalization problem not to be confused with the increase in the number of governorates and regionalism, will strengthen the symbiosis Citizen-State through the involvement of local communities that need to optimise public expenditure, streamline its expenses, in order to achieve a grouping around large economic space whose core areas should be vocational training centers, public banks, private companies and regional universities within regional eco-poles so as to develop centers of excellence.
It would be a mistake to focus only on new organizations and legislation to fill the void; Algeria having experienced dozens of new organizations notably in the public without any conclusive economic impact and on the best laws in the world that are rarely applied. It is rather the implementation of good governance, involving the reorganization of the State, based not on custom relationships but on the rule of law and an independent justice. It is also about promoting the plurality of the media with a code of ethics, a fight against corruption that destroyed the cohesion of the social fabric and scared away potential investors. It is thereby about establishing institutions, adapted to both the global and local changes taking into account our cultural anthropology.
Address, without taboo nor pouring into attacks and pernicious analyses, like in all democratic countries, the role in a State of Law of the armed forces and security services within a three to five years program, as well as the functioning of the Department of Foreign Affairs so as to adapt all diplomacy and representations to the new world.
The strict management of the revenues of SONATRACH, the state oil company that is the main pillar of the national economy, must be a priority through transparency of the costs of production, to empower and extend the hydrocarbons ownership to the whole national community. A productive discussion on the future of Shale Oil & Gas and its effects on the environment, the level of the conventional fossils reserves, and their exhaustion timeline taking account of the increasingly strong domestic consumption, the evolution of international prices and the new global energy changes, posing the problem of the generalised subsidies without targeting. Reducing costs by combining Solar and the unnecessarily wasted flared gas, and reviewing with promotion of energy efficiency especially of the conventional methodologies as currently applied in the construction industry.
With a non-existing real wage policy, corresponding to the level of production and productivity, it will be to peacefully address the balancing of the labour market with fairness and flexibility not forgetting the dangers of overstaffing in the public service of more than 2.1 million staff, where one does not solve the problems of employment through administrative or fictitious rentier jobs.
Related to the improvement of the health system with mismanaged hospitals, despite skills, and a reasonably decent sanitation of pension funds must be managed transparently. For that combine the systems of distribution and capitalization otherwise.
To energize the lethargic stock exchange, through a reform of the financial system and the State-owned banks. In this context, after pondering on why non-oil foreign direct investment is not appealing and the binding rule of 49 / 51% that is generalized to strategic and non-strategic sectors resolve, the thorny problem of both agricultural and industrial land allocation and deeds.
In short, meditate the negative experience of the war economy of previous governments in similar conjecture. For this a change of course is needed. Subsidized interest rates, the purchasing power of the Algerian people as much as the value of the Dinar correlated to foreign exchange reserves, depends up to 70% on the hydrocarbons revenues. Grants, direct and indirect social transfers having represented 27 to 30% of GDP in 2015/2016; would we see the State carry on in this way if the price of oil were persistently low with Algeria of 2010/2014 running on the basis of a price of a barrel higher at $100/110 and $88 in 2016?
As I demonstrated on numerous occasions to several international and national agencies, Algeria is at the crossroads with all possible scenarios, in order to achieve or not its transition from a rentier economy to a diversified economy and in the context of international values based on the enterprise with in its bedrock Knowledge but taking into account protection of the environment.
As per the founders’ teachings of economics, any existing technical determinism of a dialectical link between the political, economic, social and cultural would largely be influenced by globalization. It is therefore necessary to distinguish between the dynamic stability and the involvement of citizens through democracy source of social stability and economic progress. Without democracy, the rule of law and the return to confidence, there may not be any development.
Note (1) :
see algerie.com 26/05/2017 “New economic challenges of the Government of Abdelmadjid Tebboune”
Interview with Prof. Abderrahmane Mebtoul on Ennahar TV “on the challenges of the Government Tebboune’ on 26/05/2017
“the impact of the agreements of Vienna” on daily governmental Horizon and
Chorouk Arabic daily of Sunday 29/05/2017
Professor Mebtoul will debate on 29/05/2017 at 2300 – TV Dzaiar News on these topics .