Trump’s Tech-Driven Legacy in the Middle East

Trump’s Tech-Driven Legacy in the Middle East

The Middle East stands at a critical technological crossroads, where America’s influence could shift dramatically from oil fields to data fields under a second Trump presidency. As regional powerhouses like Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates accelerate their transition toward digital economies, Trump’s business-centric approach to foreign policy could fundamentally reshape America’s role in the region—moving from military presence to technological dominance.

This transformation is already visible in the region’s rapidly evolving digital landscape, where American tech companies are becoming increasingly embedded in critical infrastructure. The intersection of Trump’s deal-making approach and the Middle East’s technological ambitions could create unprecedented opportunities for American influence through silicon rather than steel. Regional investments in artificial intelligence, cloud computing, and smart city initiatives signal a decisive shift away from traditional power structures. As these nations race to establish themselves as global tech hubs, Trump’s emphasis on corporate diplomacy could accelerate this transition, potentially creating a new paradigm for U.S.-Middle East relations.

The role of American technology companies in this transformation extends beyond mere commercial presence, potentially reshaping governance structures and social systems throughout the region. Meanwhile, this digital pivot could offer Trump a unique opportunity to reduce America’s military footprint while maintaining—or even expanding—U.S. influence through technological integration. For both Trump and Middle Eastern leaders, this technological transformation represents a chance to redefine regional power dynamics without the traditional reliance on military hardware and oil diplomacy.

Building on Trump’s Tech Legacy

During Trump’s first term, his “business-first” diplomatic strategy catalyzed an unprecedented 34 percent surge in digital infrastructure investment across the Middle East. This approach helped cement American tech giants’ presence in the region, with Amazon Web Services investing over $5 billion in Middle Eastern data centers and companies like Google expanding cloud services into Saudi Arabia and Qatar. These investments aligned perfectly with ambitious regional initiatives like Saudi Arabia’s  Vision 2030 and the UAE’s “Smart Dubai” program, both designed to reduce dependence on traditional oil revenues.

This digital transformation has fundamentally altered the investment landscape, with American companies now playing a central role in developing smart cities, implementing AI solutions, and modernizing government services across the region. The surge in tech investment has also created a ripple effect, attracting smaller American tech firms and startups looking to establish themselves in these emerging digital markets. Regional governments have responded by streamlining regulations and creating specialized tech zones to accommodate this influx of American digital expertise.

This technological partnership has created new channels for American influence, allowing the U.S. to maintain strategic relevance through digital infrastructure rather than traditional diplomatic means. The integration of American technology into critical sectors has created a form of digital interdependence that could prove more durable than conventional military or economic ties.

The emerging partnership between Silicon Valley and Middle Eastern nations represents more than mere economic opportunity. It signifies a fundamental shift in how American influence operates in the region. U.S. technology companies now play pivotal roles in areas traditionally reserved for government diplomacy. Microsoft’s establishment of data centers in Bahrain and the UAE has strengthened local digital infrastructure, while Amazon and Google’s cloud computing services have become integral to government modernization efforts in Saudi Arabia and Egypt.

The relationship between tech companies and regional governments has evolved beyond simple vendor-client dynamics, with American companies increasingly acting as strategic partners in national development initiatives. These partnerships have facilitated knowledge transfer and capacity building, helping local governments develop their own digital capabilities while maintaining dependence on American technological expertise. The digital transformation has also created new channels for cultural exchange, with Silicon Valley’s innovation culture influencing local business practices and governance models.

The Shadow of Digital Surveillance

This digital transformation carries significant risks. Current data suggests that 77 percent of Saudis and 65 percent of Egyptians live under persistent digital surveillance, often enabled by Western technology. Companies like Palantir have partnered with regional governments on data-driven security solutions that, while valuable for counter-terrorism efforts, could potentially be misused for domestic control. Trump’s demonstrated willingness to prioritize economic gains over human rights concerns  during his first term suggests that a second term could accelerate this trend toward “digital authoritarianism.”

The security implications of this technological shift are equally profound. Building on Trump’s first-term arms sales—which exceeded $150 billion in traditional military equipment—the region appears poised for a digital arms race. Israel has launched a{ $1.5 billion cyber initiative to counter regional threats, while Saudi Arabia’s cybersecurity budget has grown by more than 20 percent annually since 2018. This digital militarization aligns with Trump’s goal of reducing America’s physical military presence while potentially creating new forms of regional instability.

Yet this transformation presents a complex challenge for American policymakers. The delicate balance between economic opportunity and ethical responsibility requires careful consideration of how American technology is deployed and utilized in the region. The potential misuse of surveillance technologies and data collection systems could undermine long-term U.S. interests in promoting democracy and human rights. The integration of American technology into government systems creates a moral obligation to ensure that these tools aren’t weaponized against civilian populations. As these digital partnerships deepen, U.S. policymakers must develop robust frameworks to prevent the exploitation of American technology for authoritarian purposes. The challenge lies in maintaining technological engagement while implementing effective safeguards against potential abuse.

Algorithms Over Oil

The stakes are particularly high given the region’s strategic importance. As Middle Eastern nations pivot from oil to technology, the nature of American influence must evolve accordingly. A second Trump term could accelerate this transition, potentially creating a new model of tech-based diplomacy that could be replicated in other regions such as Southeast Asia and Africa.

This approach, however, must carefully balance economic opportunities with democratic values to ensure that America’s digital legacy promotes both prosperity and human rights. As the Middle East’s future becomes increasingly defined by algorithms rather than oil, the success of this technological transformation will depend largely on how effectively a potential second Trump administration navigates these competing interests. The outcome could determine not just the future of U.S.-Middle East relations, but also set a precedent for how technology shapes global diplomacy in the twenty-first century .

The implications of this technological pivot extend far beyond regional considerations, potentially reshaping the global balance of power through digital means. This transformation could establish new paradigms for international cooperation and competition, where technological integration becomes the primary measure of diplomatic influence. The success or failure of this approach in the Middle East could influence how other nations approach their own digital transformations and relationships with American technology companies.

Furthermore, the effectiveness of this tech-centric diplomacy could determine whether the United States maintains its global leadership position in an era where digital capabilities increasingly define national power. This shift toward technological  diplomacy could represent one of the most significant transformations in international relations since the end of the Cold War, potentially establishing a new framework for how nations exercise influence in the digital age.

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Continuing Mideast Conflict takes “terrible toll” on MENA economies

Continuing Mideast Conflict takes “terrible toll” on MENA economies

A KUNA article on the Continuing Mideast conflict taking a “terrible toll” on MENA economies—a Report by the World Bank—quite succinctly covers the current situation’s repercussions on most involved or neighbouring countries.

The featured image above is for illustration – credit: Daily Sabah

Continuing Mideast Conflict takes “terrible toll” on MENA economies — Report

17/10/2024

WASHINGTON, Oct 16 (KUNA) — The World Bank Group said its October 2024 edition of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) Economic Update came out at a pivotal time for the region where continuing conflict is causing profound suffering.

“The conflict is taking a terrible toll on human lives, societies, and economies, and has repercussions that go well beyond those areas directly affected,” according to the report titled Growth in the Middle East and North Africa. There is little that can be built-and much that can be lost-in the face of conflict, the report said, noting that peace is “an essential prerequisite for development.” “In 2024, real GDP growth in MENA is expected at 2.2 percent, a modest increase from 1.8 percent in 2023. “This uptick masks important disparities within the region. It is driven by Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, where growth is forecast to rise from 0.5 percent in 2023 to 1.9 percent in 2024,” the report reads.
“Growth is expected to decelerate in the whole of developing MENA. “In developing oil importers, it will decelerate from 3.2 percent in 2023 to023 to 2.1 percent in 2024, as the repercussions of the ongoing conflict spill over directly onto some countries and exacerbate pre-existing vulnerabilities in others. “Real GDP growth in developing oil exporters will decline from 3.2 percent in 2023 to 2.7 percent in 2024. “Over the past year, MENA’s 2024 real GDP growth forecasts have been substantially downgraded, with the largest downward revisions among fragile and conflict-affected situations (FCS). “These downgrades partly reflect the extension of OPEC+ oil production cuts and increased uncertainty due to the conflict centered in Gaza. “Dispersion among private sector forecasters, a measure of uncertainty, has risen in MENA by 13 percent since October 2023. “This contrasts sharply with the downward trend observed in other EMDEs and high-income countries. “As of September 2024, uncertainty in MENA is nearly twice as high as in other EMDEs. The economic consequences of the conflict centered in Gaza Amidst a deepening humanitarian
crisis, Gaza’s economy has come to a near-total halt, with a staggering 86 percent contraction in Q2 2024. “In the West Bank, the economy also contracted by 23 percent in Q2 2024, largely due to tighter restrictions on movement, a drop in consumption, and a severe fiscal crisis. “As a result of increased deductions by Israel on the clearance revenue transfers and reduced domestic tax receipts, the Palestinian Authority (PA) is facing a projected financing gap of USD 1.86 billion in 2024, according to official PA sources-more than double that of 2023. “In neighboring economies, the conflict suppressed economic activity, for
example through tourism receipts (e.g., a 6.6 percent decrease in tourist arrivals in Jordan through August 2024, in annualized terms) and fiscal revenues (e.g., a 62 percent drop in Suez Canal revenues in the Arab Republic of Egypt in the first half of 2024 relative to the second half of 2023).
“–A Synthetic Control Method (SCM)-based analysis in this report shows that income per capita in conflict-affected countries in MENA could have been, on average, 45 percent higher without conflict, measured seven years after its onset. “This loss is equivalent to 35 years’ worth of progress in the region.– “Despite the region’s current challenges, there is significant
untapped potential in MENA. “Countries can better allocate their talent in the labor market and leverage their strategic location to boost innovation and sustain growth. “Talent misallocation, both in and out of the labor force and between the public and private sectors, has harmed living standards in the region. “Over the past 50 years, schooling in MENA has rapidly increased, especially for women, but female labor force participation rates have stagnated. “Closing gender employment gaps in MENA would result in a 51 percent increase in per capita income in the typical MENA country,” the report added.

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A new inclusive multilateralism is essential.

A new inclusive multilateralism is essential.

A new inclusive multilateralism is essential

A new inclusive multilateralism in the face of economic fragmentation and geopolitical risk would be essential for everyone.

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By A new inclusive multilateralism is essential Abdelrahmi Bessaha

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In 2024, persistent shocks, such as the wars in Ukraine and Palestine, and increasing geopolitical tensions in various parts of the world continue to redefine global institutions, structures, and relationships. These conflicts have significant economic implications, affecting trade, energy prices, and geopolitical alliances. With the increasing digitisation of many aspects of social and economic life, cyberattacks are on the rise, threatening to wreak havoc.

Energy and climate change are emerging as politically divisive issues. While global progress on the climate transition is insufficient, soaring energy prices following the invasion of Ukraine underpin the decarbonisation process.

On the economic level:

1) Nationalism and protectionism (exacerbated by widening income gaps) are weakening globalisation, while the pandemic and geopolitical conflicts have highlighted supply chain vulnerabilities;

2) Geopolitical shocks disrupt energy and food security and entrench inflation and

3) The Sino-U.S. rivalry and Asia-Pacific strategies to secure critical minerals could further redraw the contours of trade and global supply chains.

Other economic and financial risks should not be overlooked in the background of this worrying picture, including the global financial system’s stability, the widening U.S. budget deficit, the growing demand from countries for increased public spending, and the increase in global debt. In the face of these multiple challenges, the global governance structure established after the Second World War is obsolete. A new inclusive multilateralism is essential.

Let’s discuss these global issues that impact all countries in the world.

Global governance will be discussed at the United Nations Summit of the Future. The latter will occur on the sidelines of the 79th session of the United Nations General Assembly, which began its work on September 17, 2024. Although the North and the Global South increasingly share the demand for deep reforms, there are doubts about an agreement at the end of the Summit of the Future on a roadmap to build a new inclusive multilateralism. 

The difficulty of rebuilding multilateralism to face the challenges of the twenty-first century. The U.N. Future Summit is a crucial initiative to revitalise multilateral cooperation when global crises, such as climate change and technological advances, are rising. World leaders seek to reform and modernise international institutions such as the U.N., whose structures date back to the post-World War II era. Sensitive topics to be discussed include the expansion of the U.N. Security Council, the protection of human rights, inequality, job insecurity, environmental crises, geopolitical tensions, the governance of digital technologies and support for the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The draft “Pact for the Future” on the table highlights the need for global solidarity around five essential areas: climate change, the reduction of global inequalities, international peace and security, the regulation of new technologies and preparedness for future pandemics. This pact includes a 60-point action plan around these axes.

Despite these ambitious goals, the summit is marked by widespread scepticism, modest expectations, and geopolitical divisions.

However, some observers point out that even limited progress in international cooperation could have positive long-term repercussions. Given the growing importance of multilateralism in addressing transnational challenges such as pandemics, migration, and cybersecurity, this summit could drive meaningful reforms. It’s a crucial moment that could either highlight the limits of global governance or pave the way for a more inclusive and effective system.

Europe’s decline and its difficulties in recounting in a new world in recomposition dominated by the United States and China. In the wake of Enrico Letta’s April 2024 report to the European Council on completing the E.U.’s single market, former ECB President Mario Draghi has prepared a nearly 400-page report on the future of Europe. 

This report stresses that the latter needs massive investment and innovation to meet the challenges of growth (which has slowed for decades, widening a significant gap between the E.U. and the U.S. in terms of GDP and living standards), demography and productivity (the declining population requires an increase in productivity to achieve ambitious targets, such as decarbonisation, digitalisation and strengthening its defence capabilities).

The author of the report proposes three main courses of action:

  1. Bridging the innovation gap: Europe lags behind the U.S. in critical technologies and struggles to commercialise its innovations, hence the need to reform the innovation cycle and invest in infrastructure and skills.
  2. Combining decarbonisation and competitiveness: Although Europe is a leader in clean technology, high energy prices and competition from China could dampen growth. Better coordination of energy policies and support for green industries are essential.
  3. Strengthening security and reducing dependencies: Europe’s dependence on imports of raw materials and digital technologies, coupled with fragmented defence spending, weakens its resilience. A coherent economic and defence strategy is needed.

Two significant constraints:

  1. The massive cost of this plan (€800 billion) while the euro area is heavily indebted (public debt is 88.7% of GDP at the end of March 2024);
  2. The difficulty of reconciling contradictory challenges (climate change, industry boost and the enormous cost of the ecological transition).

Global financial stability is a critical issue that needs to be addressed in an inclusive multilateral context. The 2023 bank failures in Switzerland and the United States tested the 2008 post-financial crisis reforms. While progress has been made, further reforms are needed to prevent taxpayers from having to bail out banks again. According to the IMF, the complementary avenues for reform are supervision and early intervention, in which supervisors must act more quickly and decisively to counter the risks posed by bankers’ mismanagement.

  • Focus on small banks: Authorities need to prepare for crises affecting medium-sized banks that can be systemic.
  • Liquidity support by central banks: Banks must be able to access central bank facilities quickly and with appropriate regulation.
  • Flexible resolution plans: Authorities must have adaptable resolution strategies that balance financial stability with taxpayer protection.

International cooperation: Collaboration between countries is crucial to managing bank failures. Strengthening deposit insurance: The speed of deposit withdrawals due to technology underscores the need to improve deposit insurance systems.

The use of artificial intelligence to:

1) enhance the efficiency of the financial system through increased productivity and the automation of many tasks in the financial sector;

2) making incremental improvements through better analysis of unstructured data and strengthening price discovery and liquidity in the markets and

3) driving radical transformations (AI-driven autonomous trading is still far off, but it raises concerns about transparency and risk management).

Global debt is a ticking time bomb. Before Covid-19, the rise in public debt was already a concern. The latter has exploded due to the massive budgetary support for households and businesses. At the end of March 2024, global debt stood at 93% of GDP (9 percentage points above pre-pandemic levels) and is expected to stand at around 100% by 2029. In the United States, China and Japan, debt-to-GDP ratios are expected to reach 133%, 106% and 251% respectively by 2028, levels historically seen in wartime. In addition, high interest rates will increase debt servicing, reduce fiscal space, weaken medium-term growth prospects, limit governments’ ability to respond to challenges such as climate change and population ageing, and weaken their resilience to future crises.

Four main questions arise:

  1. How to strengthen the sustainability of debt reduction plans: Difficult choices to reduce deficits must be supported by credible fiscal frameworks and intense surveillance.
  2. What are the implications of rising debt in major economies like the United States? In the long term, this could lead to higher interest rates and affect global financial stability.
  3. How can we protect ourselves against the exorbitant privilege of the United States, which issues the reserve currency according to its interests? The U.S. debt has a special status, but fiscal irresponsibility could erode this advantage in the long run.
  4. How can we finance the challenges of an ageing population? Developed countries will have to manage sustained deficits as their populations age. This implies appropriate budgetary policies and in-depth discussions to find a consensus.

Global pressures on public finances to address significant structural challenges. At a time when all countries around the world need to rebuild fiscal spaces eroded by the pandemic, there is a global trend towards increased public spending to address multiple post-pandemic structural challenges, including climate change, demographics, and supply chains. This implies budgetary strategies to control deficits and manage public debts.

The U.S. budget deficit poses significant risks: The U.S. fiscal outlook is worrisome but overlooked mainly by presidential candidates. While the national debt doubled from 46% of GDP in 1992 to 96% at the beginning of 2024, the average annual federal deficit has risen to 9% over the past five years. Despite the IMF’s warnings about the risks to global financial stability, the leading candidates do not propose real solutions to reduce the United States’ public debt.  Trump is considering tax cuts, while Harris advocates additional spending without addressing the considerable costs of health care and pensions. Both parties have abandoned fiscal austerity: by continuing the 2017 tax cuts, the Biden administration has reduced tax revenues and increased spending. If this continues, the debt could reach 166% of GDP within 30 years, with interest costs already worrying. The 2024 elections will not bring significant changes, and public finances are expected to deteriorate further. Without significant tax reforms, economic and financial risks could increase, affecting the rest of the world.

The trend to spend more across the rest of the world: in recent years, and mainly since the pandemic and subsequent supply shocks, the rest of the world has distinguished itself with the following trends in public finances:

Convergence on spending: Across the political spectrum, parties favour increases in government spending at the expense of fiscal prudence.

Economic conditions: Complex economic contexts and rising public debts push politicians to adopt a more conservative fiscal discourse without implementing ambitious reforms.

• Pro-spending rhetoric quickly resumes.

– Election promises: Politicians usually fulfil their promises to increase spending, resulting in higher deficits. On the other hand, the same politicians refocus their attention on politically more accessible recipes.

– Public expectations: Growing public demand for more services and infrastructure is pushing for pro-spending policies but without sound financing solutions.

 

Source: El Watan in French

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Doing Business In The MENA Region – Analysis

Doing Business In The MENA Region – Analysis

Here is Mohamed Shtatou’s analysis of how Doing Business In The MENA Region still shares some of its underground wealth. In the meantime, the region can accelerate its renewable energy production, which is itself a good business line.

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Doing Business In The MENA Region – Analysis

By 

What is the MENA region?

MENA is the acronym for “Middle East and North Africa”, regularly used in academic and business writings. It refers to a large region, from Morocco in northwest Africa to Iran in southwest Asia, which generally includes all the countries of the Middle East and North Africa. (1)

Indeed, the MENA region comprises 18 countries. It covers the area south of the Mediterranean, from Morocco to Egypt, and to the east, from Yemen to Iran, via the Arabian Peninsula. The heterogeneity of economic and political realities has taken into account the formulation of specific strategies for three sub-regions: North Africa (Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, and Tunisia); the Middle East (Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, and Occupied Palestinian Territory); the Arabian Peninsula and Iran (Bahrain, Iran, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, UAE, and Yemen).

MENA has no standardized definition, and the region and its constituent territories differ from one organization to another. However, the list of countries belonging to it is generally as follows: Algeria, Bahrain, Djibouti, Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Syria, Occupied Palestinian Territory, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates and Yemen. (2)

The region holds a significant share of untapped human resources, with the highest youth unemployment rate and the lowest female labor force participation rate in the world. Most of the world’s oil reserves belong to MENA countries. Tourism, however, is another strong branch of their economy. (3)

The population of the Middle East and North Africa region is ethnically, religiously and linguistically diverse. With high unemployment, MENA’s human resources are a relatively under-exploited. However, these countries are increasingly focusing on education to overcome this handicap.

The region’s instability leads to serious conflicts, which counterbalance development efforts. This is particularly the case in Syria, Libya and Yemen. Infrastructure and people are paying a heavy price for these wars, and 15 million people have had to flee their countries to avoid atrocities. (4)

The MENA region is marked by historical conflicts resulting from the Cold War or arbitrary border demarcations in the wake of decolonization, the race for raw materials, intra-Arab and inter-religious conflicts, as well as the Middle East conflict. The spread of terrorist groups such as the “Islamic State” casts a shadow over the peaceful dynamics in certain countries, as well as their efforts to prepare their often-young populations for the challenges of the 21st century. (5)

Ten years after the “Arab Spring”, (6) the results are disappointing: hopes of political renewal have not materialized. Instead, many countries in the region are suffering repression civil war and jihadism. (7) However, the protest movements marked a historic turning point that opens up new prospects for the future. (8)

Religions in the MENA region are historically diverse: beyond the three great monotheistic religions and their respective denominations stemming from the Abrahamic tradition, (9) many other religions have developed since antiquity, some of which are still practiced in the 21st century. The Middle East is the cradle of religions practiced by more than 4 billion people worldwide, making it of great historical and cultural importance, and its role as a crossroads of civilizations between Asia, Africa and Europe attracts large numbers of pilgrims every year. Islam is the majority religion in all Middle Eastern countries except Lebanon, where the majority religion is Christianity, and Israel, where the majority religion is Judaism. (10)

Shifting regional alliances

Since 2011, the political, economic and cultural influence of the three MENA sub-regions and the relations between them have been changing. North African countries are increasingly becoming aware of their belonging to the African continent, which is reflected in their increased engagement within the African Union. On the other hand, cooperation within the Arab Maghreb Union has virtually come to a standstill, (11) particularly due to tensions between Algeria and Morocco over the Western Sahara issue. (12)

In recent decades, the countries of the Arabian Peninsula have dethroned Egypt and the Middle East as the economic hub of the MENA region, but they are losing stability due to their internal tensions (the war in Yemen, tensions with Iran).

New regional disputes have pushed the conflict between Israel and the Palestinian population into the background and, after years of informal rapprochement, that paved the way for the normalization of relations between Israel and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and then Bahrain in the summer of 2020. The UAE and Bahrain are thus, after Egypt in 1979 and Jordan in 1994, the third and fourth Arab countries to have normalized their relations with Israel.

These events are a sign of the profound upheavals that the Arab world has been going through for years. They have created a new dynamic, so that it cannot be ruled out that other countries will make the same progress. Saudi Arabia and the UAE are playing an important role in the formation of new alliances and divisions that mark the region. In addition, armed non-state or semi-state actors (Hizbu Allah in Lebanon and the Houthis in Yemen) are undermining the stability of several countries.

The MENA region is characterized by a complex linguistic and cultural landscape. It features the coexistence of Classical Arabic, Modern Standard Arabic, various dialects of Arabic, Amazigh languages, Kurdish, Hebrew, Farsi, and foreign languages such as French and English. This multilingual environment influences cultural exchanges, media, and social interactions across the region and with the rest of the world.

North Africa

The three main challenges facing the North African region, and thus the three priority thematic areas are: structural economic reforms to encourage employment and investment, the implementation of good governance principles, and safe and orderly migration. (13)

On the impact of good governance, legal system and economic freedom on foreign investment in the MENA region, Nada Kobeissi writes: (14)

“Within MENA countries, enhancing economic freedom in terms of trade, the financial sector and property rights is of absolute importance if the region is to attract more foreign investments. According to a World Bank report (World Bank, 2003), foreign investment could be five to six times what they are today, if exports other than oil were higher and were in better investment climates. Inefficient and costly services provided mostly by the public sector, raise the cost of MENA merchandise exports and limit attractiveness to investment (World Bank, 2003). The financial sector is controlled by state owned banks which dominate banking activities (up to 95% of assets in several countries in the MENA region) resulting in poor services, high costs, and weak financing of new investments and trade (World Bank, 2003). Due to a complete lack of faith in its domestic economic infrastructure, the Middle East holds the largest share of wealth abroad in the world, with $350 billion currently collecting interest abroad, rather than in local financial institutions.’’

North Africa is located in the immediate neighbourhood of Europe. The French language is also a link. In the south, North Africa borders countries in the Sahel region, characterised by a high level of poverty and instability. (15) It is in Europe’s interest for North Africa to be stable, prosperous and organised according to the rule of law.

The main factors that led to the “Arab Spring” protests, (16) namely the lack of economic prospects, youth unemployment, the repressive practices of national security agencies and limited opportunities to participate in political life, remain major challenges today. Some of North Africa’s shortcomings include: high population growth, (17) unequal participation in economic development and, to some extent, low resilience of the economy due to a lack of diversification, as well as the existence of youth training programmes (18) that are often ill-suited to the needs of the labour market. (19)

Excessive bureaucracy and technological backwardness are factors that explain the high unemployment rate among young people and the persistent unequal distribution of income and wealth in many countries. The lack of political and economic integration in the region is a hindrance to its development dynamics. (20)

Due to its cheap labour and geographic proximity, North Africa is an attractive production location. In response to the coronavirus crisis, Europe is also seeking shorter supply chains, for example in the agricultural or textile sectors.

With a total population of over 200 million, the region is already one of the most important export markets for Europe on the African continent. This is also why Europe is working to promote inclusive economic development in the Greater Maghreb, (21) which can open up horizons for younger generations.

In Libya, the overthrow of the former regime led to an internal armed conflict that is still ongoing. However, the “Arab Spring” also brought about positive developments. In Tunisia, a democratic process took place. (22) In some countries, despite the repression, there is also an active civil society that is mobilised in favour of civic and political freedoms.

Other ongoing developments may be of some importance. Indeed, several areas are directly threatened by the effects of climate change (23) and by the lack of access to fresh water. In addition, rapid urbanisation is a major challenge for cities such as Algiers, Casablanca and Cairo. In these areas, support is need based on innovative solutions. (24)

Middle East

The three main challenges facing the Middle East region, and thus the three priority thematic areas are: armed or political conflicts, economic development, and governance. In addition, successful start-ups occupying a leading position on the international stage are developing in several countries in the region, which opens up interesting prospects.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which has been raging for more than 76 years, has crystallised around territorial claims. After the Second World War, the mandate for Palestine that had been entrusted to Great Britain by the League of Nations ended. In 1947, the UN adopted a partition plan providing for the division of Palestine under the British mandate into a Jewish state and an Arab state. The State of Israel was founded in 1948. (25) The Israeli-Arab conflict broke out the same year; It has led to a refugee crisis that is still ongoing. An estimated 750,000 Palestinians were on the run in 1950. (26) As refugee status is passed down from generation to generation, and because of the lack of a political solution and demographic changes, (27) there are now more than 5.5 million Palestinian refugees, according to statistics from the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, UNRWA. (28) Some of these people are stateless and others are citizens of other Near Eastern states. They live in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria. One third of them reside in locations officially recognized as refugee camps. The essential services provided by UNRWA are of crucial importance to Palestinian refugees. Since they rarely have access to the labour market, they are unable to develop long-term prospects and remain dependent on the system.

The Middle East continues to face major economic, social and political challenges. The population boom, restrictions on fundamental rights and difficult economic conditions are leading to high unemployment and protest movements. The young generation is particularly affected by the lack of economic prospects, which can foster the emergence of violent extremism (Jihadi Salafism). (29) The protest movements that have been shaking Lebanon since the end of 2019 and the reactions to the explosion in Beirut in August 2020 reflect a significant political awareness, but also the frustration of the population.

The acceleration of economic, financial and migratory exchanges, as well as the desire for genuine international governance, are making it urgent to create a new generation of managers. They must manage inequalities in development, the multiplicity of forms of exercising power and cultural diversity, firstly to prevent differences from becoming grounds for confrontation, and secondly to contribute to the dialogue of civilizations.

The Mediterranean and the Middle East together form a unique observation area for this type of challenge. A meeting point between Europe and the Muslim world, this region, marked by the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the “Arab Springs” and their aftermath (the Syrian, Libyan and Yemeni crises), is dominated by major political, economic, energy,  environmental and migratory issues. It is also a zone of complex political influences and repeated military interventions, offering countless examples of unexpected conflicts or, conversely, surprising cohabitations of identities, which constantly put to the test the universal character of democracy and the rule of Law.

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Keep burning fossil fuels and expect to get us back to 1.5°C

Keep burning fossil fuels and expect to get us back to 1.5°C

This article of the Conversation Insights on The overshoot myth: you can’t keep burning fossil fuels and expect scientists of the future to get us back to 1.5°C. Is it the same story as that of the Let us see. 

Image of Melting Antarctic glacier. Shutterstock/Bernhard Staehli

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The overshoot myth: you can’t keep burning fossil fuels and expect scientists of the future to get us back to 1.5°C

James Dyke, University of Exeter; Robert Watson, University of East Anglia, and Wolfgang Knorr, Lund University

Record breaking fossil fuel production, all time high greenhouse gas emissions and extreme temperatures. Like the proverbial frog in the heating pan of water, we refuse to respond to the climate and ecological crisis with any sense of urgency. Under such circumstances, claims from some that global warming can still be limited to no more than 1.5°C take on a surreal quality.

For example, at the start of 2023’s international climate negotiations in Dubai, conference president, Sultan Al Jaber, boldly stated that 1.5°C was his goal and that his presidency would be guided by a “deep sense of urgency” to limit global temperatures to 1.5°C. He made such lofty promises while planning a massive increase in oil and gas production as CEO of the Abu Dhabi National Oil Company.

We should not be surprised to see such behaviour from the head of a fossil fuel company. But Al Jaber is not an outlier. Scratch at the surface of almost any net zero pledge or policy that claims to be aligned with the 1.5°C goal of the landmark 2015 Paris agreement and you will reveal the same sort of reasoning: we can avoid dangerous climate change without actually doing what this demands – which is to rapidly reduce greenhouse gas emissions from industry, transport, energy (70% of total) and food systems (30% of total), while ramping up energy efficiency.

Can’t keep burning fossil fuels and expect scientists of the future to get us back to 1.5°C

President of COP28 and UAE’s minister for industry and advanced technology, Sultan Ahmed Al Jaber, speaks during a plenary session at the 2023 United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP28), in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, 13 December 2023. EPA-EFE/MARTIN DIVISEK

A particularly instructive example is Amazon. In 2019 the company established a 2040 net zero target which was then verified by the UN Science Based Targets initiative (SBTi) which has been leading the charge in getting companies to establish climate targets compatible with the Paris agreement. But over the next four years Amazon’s emissions went up by 40%. Given this dismal performance, the SBTi was forced to act and removed Amazon and over 200 companies from its Corporate Net Zero Standard.

This is also not surprising given that net zero and even the Paris agreement have been built around the perceived need to keep burning fossil fuels, at least in the short term. Not do so would threaten economic growth, given that fossil fuels still supply over 80% of total global energy. The trillions of dollars of fossil fuel assets at risk with rapid decarbonisation have also served as powerful brakes on climate action.

Overshoot

The way to understand this doublethink: that we can avoid dangerous climate change while continuing to burn fossil fuels – is that it relies on the concept of overshoot. The promise is that we can overshoot past any amount of warming, with the deployment of planetary-scale carbon dioxide removal dragging temperatures back down by the end of the century.

This not only cripples any attempt to limit warming to 1.5°C, but risks catastrophic levels of climate change as it locks us in to energy and material-intensive solutions which for the most part exist only on paper.

To argue that we can safely overshoot 1.5°C, or any amount of warming, is saying the quiet bit out loud: we simply don’t care about the increasing amount of suffering and deaths that will be caused while the recovery is worked on.

A key element of overshoot is carbon dioxide removal. This is essentially a time machine – we are told we can turn back the clock of decades of delay by sucking carbon dioxide directly out of the atmosphere. We don’t need rapid decarbonisation now, because in the future we will be able to take back those carbon emissions. If or when that doesn’t work, we are led to believe that even more outlandish geoengineering approaches such as spraying sulphurous compounds into the high atmosphere in an attempt to block out sunlight – which amounts to planetary refrigeration – will save us.

The 2015 Paris agreement was an astonishing accomplishment. The establishment of 1.5°C as being the internationally agreed ceiling for warming was a success for those people and nations most exposed to climate change hazards. We know that every fraction of a degree matters. But at the time, believing warming could really be limited to well below 2°C required a leap of faith when it came to nations and companies putting their shoulder to the wheel of decarbonisation. What has happened instead is that the net zero approach of Paris is becoming detached from reality as it is increasingly relying on science fiction levels of speculative technology.

There is arguably an even bigger problem with the Paris agreement. By framing climate change in terms of temperature, it focuses on the symptoms, not the cause. 1.5°C or any amount of warming is the result of humans changing the energy balance of the climate by increasing the amount of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere. This traps more heat. Changes in the global average temperature is the established way of measuring this increase in heat, but no one experiences this average.

Climate change is dangerous because of weather that affects particular places at particular times. Simply put, this extra heat is making weather more unstable. Unfortunately, having temperature targets makes solar geoengineering seem like a sensible approach because it may lower temperatures. But it does this by not reducing, but increasing our interference in the climate system. Trying to block out the sun in response to increasing carbon emissions is like turning on the air conditioning in response to a house fire.

In 2021 we argued that net zero was a dangerous trap. Three years on and we can see the jaws of this trap beginning to close, with climate policy being increasingly framed in terms of overshoot. The resulting impacts on food and water security, poverty, human health, the destruction of biodiversity and ecosystems will produce intolerable suffering.

The situation demands honesty, and a change of course. If this does not materialise then things are likely to deteriorate, potentially rapidly and in ways that may be impossible to control.

Au revoir Paris

The time has come to accept that climate policy has failed, and that the 2015 landmark Paris agreement is dead. We let it die by pretending that we could both continue to burn fossil fuels and avoid dangerous climate change at the same time. Rather than demand the immediate phase out of fossil fuels, the Paris agreement proposed 22nd-century temperature targets which could be met by balancing the sources and sinks of carbon. Within that ambiguity net zero flourished. And yet apart from the COVID economic shock in 2020, emissions have increased every year since 2015, reaching an all time high in 2023.

Despite there being abundant evidence that climate action makes good economic sense (the cost of inaction vastly exceeds the cost of action), no country strengthened their pledges at the last three COPs (the annual UN international meetings) even though it was clear that the world was on course to sail past 2°C, let alone 1.5°C. The Paris agreement should be producing a 50% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by 2030, but current policies mean that they are on track to be higher than they are today.

Can’t keep burning fossil fuels and expect scientists of the future to get us back to 1.5°C
Greenhouse gas emissions continue to rise.
Catazul/Pixabay, CC BY

We do not deny that significant progress has been made with renewable technologies. Rates of deployment of wind and solar have increased each year for the past 22 years and carbon emissions are going down in some of the richest nations, including the UK and the US. But this is not happening fast enough. A central element of the Paris agreement is that richer nations need to lead decarbonisation efforts to give lower income nations more time to transition away from fossil fuels. Despite some claims to the contrary, the global energy transition is not in full swing. In fact, it hasn’t actually begun because the transition demands a reduction in fossil fuel use. Instead it continues to increase year-on-year.

And so policymakers are turning to overshoot in an attempt to claim that they have a plan to avoid dangerous climate change. A central plank of this approach is that the climate system in the future will continue to function as it does today. This is a reckless assumption.

2023’s warning signs

At the start of 2023, Berkeley Earth, NASA, the UK Met Office, and Carbon Brief predicted that 2023 would be slightly warmer than the previous year but unlikely to set any records. Twelve months later and all four organisations concluded that 2023 was by some distance the warmest year ever recorded. In fact, between February 2023 and February 2024 the global average temperature warming exceeded the Paris target of 1.5°C.

The extreme weather events of 2023 give us a glimpse of the suffering that further global warming will produce. A 2024 report from the World Economic Forum concluded that by 2050 climate change may have caused over 14 million deaths and US$12.5 trillion in loss and damages.

Currently we cannot fully explain why global temperatures have been so high for the past 18 months. Changes in dust, soot and other aerosols are important, and there are natural processes such as El Niño that will be having an effect.

But it appears that there is still something missing in our current understanding of how the climate is responding to human impacts. This includes changes in the Earth’s vital natural carbon cycle.

Around half of all the carbon dioxide humans have put into the atmosphere over the whole of human history has gone into “carbon sinks” on land and the oceans. We get this carbon removal “for free”, and without it, warming would be much higher. Carbon dioxide from the air dissolves in the oceans (making them more acidic which threatens marine ecosystems). At the same time, increasing carbon dioxide promotes the growth of plants and trees which locks up carbon in their leaves, roots, trunks.

Can’t keep burning fossil fuels and expect scientists of the future to get us back to 1.5°C

Friedlingstein et al. 2023 Global Carbon Budget 2023. Earth System Science Data.

All climate policies and scenarios assume that these natural carbon sinks will continue to remove tens of billions of tons of carbon from the atmosphere each year. There is evidence that land-based carbon sinks, such as forests, removed significantly less carbon in 2023. If natural sinks begin to fail – something they may well do in a warmer world – then the task of lowering global temperatures becomes even harder. The only credible way of limiting warming to any amount, is to stop putting greenhouse gasses into the atmosphere in the first place.

Science fiction solutions

It’s clear that the commitments countries have made to date as part of the Paris agreement will not keep humanity safe while carbon emissions and temperatures continue to break records. Indeed, proposing to spend trillions of dollars over this century to suck carbon dioxide out of the air, or the myriad other ways to hack the climate is an acknowledgement that the world’s largest polluters are not going to curb the burning of fossil fuels.

Direct Air Capture (DAC), Bio Energy Carbon Capture and Storage (BECCS), enhanced ocean alkalinity, biochar, sulphate aerosol injection, cirrus cloud thinning – the entire wacky races of carbon dioxide removal and geoengineering only makes sense in a world of failed climate policy.

Can’t keep burning fossil fuels and expect scientists of the future to get us back to 1.5°C Clouds in the sky.
Is ‘cloud thinning’ really a possibility?
HarmonyCenter/Pixabay, CC BY

Over the following years we are going to see climate impacts increase. Lethal heatwaves are going to become more common. Storms and floods are going to become increasingly destructive. More people are going to be displaced from their homes. National and regional harvests will fail. Vast sums of money will need to be spent on efforts to adapt to climate change, and perhaps even more compensating those who are most affected. We are expected to believe that while all this and more unfolds, new technologies that will directly modify the Earth’s atmosphere and energy balance will be successfully deployed.

What’s more, some of these technologies may need to operate for three hundred years in order for the consequences of overshoot to be avoided. Rather than quickly slow down carbon polluting activities and increasing the chances that the Earth system will recover, we are instead going all in on net zero and overshoot in an increasingly desperate hope that untested science fiction solutions will save us from climate breakdown.

We can see the cliff edge rapidly approaching. Rather than slam on the brakes, some people are instead pushing their foot down harder on the accelerator. Their justification for this insanity is that we need to go faster in order to be able to make the jump and land safely on the other side.

We believe that many who advocate for carbon dioxide removal and geoengineering do so in good faith. But they include proposals to refreeze the Arctic by pumping up sea water onto ice sheets to form new layers of ice and snow. These are interesting ideas to research, but there is very little evidence this will have any effect on the Arctic let alone global climate. These are the sorts of knots that people tie themselves up in when they acknowledge the failure of climate policy, but refuse to challenge the fundamental forces behind such failure. They are unwittingly slowing down the only effective action of rapidly phasing out fossil fuels.

That’s because proposals to remove carbon dioxide from the air or geoengineer the climate promise a recovery from overshoot, a recovery that will be delivered by innovation, driven by growth. That this growth is powered by the same fossil fuels that are causing the problem in the first place doesn’t feature in their analysis.

The bottom line here is that the climate system is utterly indifferent to our pledges and promises. It doesn’t care about economic growth. And if we carry on burning fossil fuels then it will not stop changing until the energy balance is restored. By which time millions of people could be dead, with many more facing intolerable suffering.

Major climate tipping points

Even if we assume that carbon removal and even geoengineering technologies can be deployed in time, there is a very large problem with the plan to overshoot 1.5°C and then lower temperatures later: tipping points.

The science of tipping points is rapidly advancing. Late last year one of us (James Dyke) along with over 200 academics from around the world was involved in the production of the Global Tipping Points Report. This was a review of the latest science about where tipping points in the climate system may be, as well as exploring how social systems can undertake rapid change (in the direction that we want) thereby producing positive tipping points. Within the report’s 350 pages is abundant evidence that the overshoot approach is an extraordinarily dangerous gamble with the future of humanity. Some tipping points have the potential to cause global havoc.

The melt of permafrost could release billions of tons of greenhouse gasses into the atmosphere and supercharge human-caused climate change. Fortunately, this seems unlikely under the current warming. Unfortunately, the chance that ocean currents in the North Atlantic could collapse may be much higher than previously thought. If that were to materialise, weather systems across the world, but in particular in Europe and North America, would be thrown into chaos. Beyond 1.5°C, warm water coral reefs are heading towards annihilation. The latest science concludes that by 2°C global reefs would be reduced by 99%. The devastating bleaching event unfolding across the Great Barrier Reef follows multiple mass mortality events. To say we are witnessing one of the world’s greatest biological wonders die is insufficient. We are knowingly killing it.

We may have even already passed some major climate tipping points. The Earth has two great ice sheets, Antarctica, and Greenland. Both are disappearing as a consequence of climate change. Between 2016 and 2020, the Greenland ice sheet lost on average 372 billion tons of ice a year. The current best assessment of when a tipping point could be reached for the Greenland ice sheet is around 1.5°C.

This does not mean that the Greenland ice sheet will suddenly collapse if warming exceeds that level. There is so much ice (some 2,800 trillion tons) that it would take centuries for all of it to melt over which time sea levels would rise seven metres. If global temperatures could be brought back down after a tipping point, then maybe the ice sheet could be stabilised. We just cannot say with any certainty that such a recovery would be possible. While we struggle with the science, 30 million tons of ice is melting across Greenland every hour on average.

Melting ice flows.
Ice sheets in Greenland and Antarctica are being affected by global warming.
Pexels from Pixabay, CC BY

The take home message from research on these and other tipping points is that further warming accelerates us towards catastrophe. Important science, but is anyone listening?

It’s five minutes to midnight…again

We know we must urgently act on climate change because we are repeatedly told that time is running out. In 2015, Professor Jeffrey Sachs, the UN special adviser and director of The Earth Institute, declared:

The time has finally arrived – we’ve been talking about these six months for many years but we’re now here. This is certainly our generation’s best chance to get on track.

In 2019 (then) Prince Charles gave a speech in which he said: “I am firmly of the view that the next 18 months will decide our ability to keep climate change to survivable levels and to restore nature to the equilibrium we need for our survival.”

“We have six months to save the planet,” exhorted International Energy Agency head Fatih Birol – one year later in 2020. In April 2024, Simon Stiell, executive secretary of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change said the next two years are “essential in saving our planet”.

Either the climate crisis has a very fortunate feature that allows the countdown to catastrophe to be continually reset, or we are deluding ourselves with endless declarations that time has not quite run out. If you can repeatedly hit snooze on your alarm clock and roll over back to sleep, then your alarm clock is not working.

Or there is another possibility. Stressing that we have very little time to act is intended to focus attention on climate negotiations. It’s part of a wider attempt to not just wake people up to the impending crisis, but generate effective action. This is sometimes used to explain how the 1.5°C threshold of warming came to be agreed. Rather than a specific target, it should be understood as a stretch goal. We may very well fail, but in reaching for it we move much faster than we would have done with a higher target, such as 2°C. For example, consider this statement made in 2018:

Stretching the goal to 1.5 degrees celsius isn’t simply about speeding up. Rather, something else must happen and society needs to find another lever to pull on a global scale.

What could this lever be? New thinking about economics that goes beyond GDP? Serious consideration of how rich industrialised nations could financially and materially help poorer nations to leapfrog fossil fuel infrastructure? Participatory democracy approaches that could help birth the radical new politics needed for the restructuring of our fossil fuel powered societies? None of these.

The lever in question is Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS) because the above quote comes from an article written by Shell in 2018. In this advertorial Shell argues that we will need fossil fuels for many decades to come. CCS allows the promise that we can continue to burn fossil fuels and avoid carbon dioxide pollution by trapping the gas before it leaves the chimney. Back in 2018, Shell was promoting its carbon removal and offsets heavy Sky Scenario, an approach described as “a dangerous fantasy” by leading climate change academics as it assumed massive carbon emissions could be offset by tree planting.

Since then Shell has further funded carbon removal research within UK universities presumably in efforts to burnish its arguments that it must be able to continue to extract vast amounts of oil and gas.

Worker with hardhat in industrial setting.

A carbon dioxide capture and storage facility in Brandenburg, Germany, in 2011. The €10m project is a joint venture between Swedish energy comany Vattenfall Europe and the US company Air Products. EPA/BERND SETTNIK

Shell is far from alone in waving carbon capture magic wands. Exxon is making great claims for CCS as a way to produce net zero hydrogen from fossil gas – claims that have been subject to pointed criticism from academics with recent reporting exposing industry wide greenwashing around CCS.

But the rot goes much deeper. All climate policy scenarios that propose to limit warming to near 1.5°C rely on the largely unproven technologies of CCS and BECCS. BECCS sounds like a good idea in theory. Rather than burn coal in a power station, burn biomass such as wood chips. This would initially be a carbon neutral way of generating electricity if you grew as many trees as you cut down and burnt. If you then add scrubbers to the power station chimneys to capture the carbon dioxide, and then bury that carbon deep underground, then you would be able to generate power at the same time as reducing concentrations of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere.

Unfortunately, there is now clear evidence that in practice, large-scale BECCS would have very adverse effects on biodiversity, and food and water security given the large amounts of land that would be given over to fast growing monoculture tree plantations. The burning of biomass may even be increasing carbon dioxide emissions. Drax, the UK’s largest biomass power station now produces four times as much carbon dioxide as the UK’s largest coal-fired power station.

Five minutes to midnight messages may be motivated to try to galvanise action, to stress the urgency of the situation and that we still (just) have time. But time for what? Climate policy only ever offers gradual change, certainly nothing that would threaten economic growth, or the redistribution of wealth and resources.

Despite the mounting evidence that globalised, industrialised capitalism is propelling humanity towards disaster, five minutes to midnight does not allow time and space to seriously consider alternatives. Instead, the solutions on offer are techno fixes that prop up the status quo and insists that fossil fuel companies such as Shell must be part of the solution.

That is not to say there are no good faith arguments for 1.5°C. But being well motivated does not alter reality. And the reality is that warming will soon pass 1.5°C, and that the Paris agreement has failed. In the light of that, repeatedly asking people to not give up hope, that we can avoid a now unavoidable outcome risks becoming counterproductive. Because if you insist on the impossible (burning fossil fuels and avoiding dangerous climate change), then you must invoke miracles. And there is an entire fossil fuel industry quite desperate to sell such miracles in the form of CCS.

Four suggestions

Humanity has enough problems right now, what we need are solutions. This is the response we sometimes get when we argue that there are fundamental problems with the net zero concept and the Paris agreement. It can be summed up with the simple question: so what’s your suggestion? Below we offer four.

1. Leave fossil fuels in the ground

The unavoidable reality is that we need to rapidly stop burning fossil fuels. The only way we can be sure of that is by leaving them in the ground. We have to stop exploring for new fossil fuel reserves and the exploitation of existing ones. That could be done by stopping fossil fuel financing.

At the same time we must transform the food system, especially the livestock sector, given that it is responsible for nearly two thirds of agricultural emissions. Start there and then work out how best the goods and services of economies can be distributed. Let’s have arguments about that based on reality not wishful thinking.

2. Ditch net zero crystal ball gazing targets

The entire framing of mid and end-century net zero targets should be binned. We are already in the danger zone. The situation demands immediate action, not promises of balancing carbon budgets decades into the future. The SBTi should focus on near-term emissions reductions. By 2030, global emissions need to be half of what they are today for any chance of limiting warming to no more than 2°C.

It is the responsibility of those who hold most power – politicians and business leaders – to act now. To that end we must demand twin targets – all net zero plans should include a separate target for actual reductions in greenhouse gas emissions. We must stop hiding inaction behind promises of future removals. It’s our children and future generations that will need to pay back the overshoot debt.

3. Base policy on credible science and engineering

All climate policies must be based on what can be done in the real world now, or in the very near future. If it is established that a credible amount of carbon can be removed by a proposed approach – which includes capture and its safe permanent storage – then and only then can this be included in net zero plans. The same applies to solar geoengineering.

Speculative technologies must be removed from all policies, pledges and scenarios until we are sure of how they will work, how they will be monitored, reported and validated, and what they will do to not just the climate but the Earth system as a whole. This would probably require a very large increase in research. As academics we like doing research. But academics need to be wary that concluding “needs more research” is not interpreted as “with a bit more funding this could work”.

4. Get real

Finally, around the world there are thousands of groups, projects, initiatives, and collectives that are working towards climate justice. But while there is a Climate Majority Project, and a Climate Reality Project, there is no Climate Honesty Project (although People Get Real does come close). In 2018 Extinction Rebellion was formed and demanded that governments tell the truth about the climate crisis and act accordingly. We can now see that when politicians were making their net zero promises they were also crossing their fingers behind their backs.

We need to acknowledge that net zero and now overshoot are becoming used to argue that nothing fundamental needs to change in our energy intensive societies. We must be honest about our current situation, and where we are heading. Difficult truths need to be told. This includes highlighting the vast inequalities of wealth, carbon emissions, and vulnerability to climate change.

The time for action is now

We rightly blame politicians for failing to act. But in some respects we get the politicians we deserve. Most people, even those that care about climate change, continue to demand cheap energy and food, and a constant supply of consumer products. Reducing demand by just making things more expensive risks plunging people into food and energy poverty and so policies to reduce emissions from consumption need to go beyond market-based approaches. The cost of living crisis is not separate from the climate and ecological crisis. They demand that we radically rethink how our economies and societies function, and whose interests they serve.

To return to the boiling frog predicament at the start, it’s high time for us to jump out of the pot. You have to wonder why we did not start decades ago. It’s here that the analogy offers valuable insights into net zero and the Paris agreement. Because the boiling frog story as typically told misses out a crucial fact. Regular frogs are not stupid. While they will happily sit in slowly warming water, they will attempt to escape once it becomes uncomfortable. The parable as told today is based on experiments at the end of the 19th century that involved frogs that had been “pithed” – a metal rod had been inserted into their skulls that destroyed their higher brain functioning. These radically lobotomised frogs would indeed float inert in water that was cooking them alive.

Promises of net zero and recovery from overshoot are keeping us from struggling to safety. They assure us nothing too drastic needs to happen just yet. Be patient, relax. Meanwhile the planet burns and we see any sort of sustainable future go up in smoke.

Owning up to the failures of climate change policy doesn’t mean giving up. It means accepting the consequences of getting things wrong, and not making the same mistakes. We must plan routes to safe and just futures from where we are, rather where we would wish to be. The time has come to leap.


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James Dyke, Associate Professor in Earth System Science, University of Exeter; Robert Watson, Emeritus Professor in Environmental Sciences, University of East Anglia, and Wolfgang Knorr, Senior Research Scientist, Physical Geography and Ecosystem Science, Lund University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.