Faster Energy Transition Core to National Security Importance

Faster Energy Transition Core to National Security Importance

A striking solar power tower illuminated under the clear blue sky in Morocco. by Pierre Matile via Pexels

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Faster energy transition core to national security, says UN climate chief

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Simon Stiell highlighted that continuing reliance on fossil fuels is undermining peace and stability and that countries must accelerate efforts to switch to renewables, in a speech to the UN General Assembly

Countries need to come together to accelerate the global energy transition and end the world’s “addiction” to fossil fuels, UN climate chief Simon Stiell has said.

During the UN’s Accelerating the Global Energy Transition: Advancing Renewables and Mobilizing Investment dialogue in New York on 24 July, Stiell said climate change is increasing conflict and driving up food and energy prices – and that the move to renewables would help boost national security and resilience.

“A world addicted to coal, oil and gas is a world of economic uncertainty, unnecessary costs, and conflict… And while we keep burning fossil fuels, our planet will keep heating, undermining peace and stability,” he said.

Stiell said events in 2026 had made clear the need for clean energy and demonstrated its benefits.

“Conflict has taken an appalling human toll and choked global energy markets, pushing up prices for billions of people,” he said, emphasising that renewables “frontrunners” like Spain and Pakistan had been shielded from some of the worst effects of the fossil fuel cost crisis, “demonstrating that clean energy is secure energy”.

He added that conflict, economic downturns and climate-related shocks had “dealt a triple blow to food security”, leading to higher food prices around the world and the most vulnerable in society to “stare down the barrel… of desperate hunger”.

Governments ‘increasingly viewing climate as security issue’

Stiell said it was “no wonder” that governments increasingly view climate as a security issue, and that it was “imperative” to protect people, livelihoods and economies from “escalating climate disasters” by building resilience and accelerating the energy transition.

“Renewables are cheaper, more accessible, and faster to market. They can fortify the foundations of peace, boosting sustainable development – the best conflict prevention tool we have – while reducing emissions and supercharging economies.”

He stressed that the energy transition must “meet the demands of science”, and be faster and fairer so that “every nation benefits”, and that countries and communities historically dependent on fossil fuel revenues are supported.

He also noted that renewables, electrification and efficiency must be “progressed together in countries and industries”, and gave the example of UN secretary-general António Guterres’ call for major AI companies to power every data centre with renewables by 2030.

Global climate cooperation, and COP31 electrification target

Stiell drew attention to some of the goals countries had committed to at previous COP summits, including to accelerate the transition away from fossil fuels, and triple renewable energy capacity and double energy efficiency by 2030.

He said regional and global climate cooperation was key to delivering these and would involve “cross-border connections, power pools, and common standards”, as well as the convening power of the UN, which he said is “increasingly focused on supporting implementation”.

He also noted that Turkey, which is hosting this year’s COP in November, had announced its ‘action agenda’ targets, including the goal for global electrification to account for 35% of energy consumption by 2035.

“Electrification is a golden ticket to more prosperity and stability,” Stiell said.

Financing the energy transition

In his speech, Stiell also covered financing, noting that finance is “essential” for countries “to bank the vast benefits” of the energy transition and to build resilience.

He called on developed countries to honour their commitments to triple adaptation finance and deliver US$300bn per year by 2035, as part of aims to scale up to US$1.3 trillion a year.

He said multilateral development banks are “ideally placed to help” and must “step up” to help facilitate this, including through the offer of credit enhancement and guarantees which “deliver serious bang for buck in crowding in private capital, particularly in developing countries where perceived risk increases costs”.

Stiell added that countries need systemic support – not just project-by-project financing – including to strengthen grids, improve policies and regulation, and “build a pipeline of bankable projects”.

He concluded: “As the realities of fossil fuel dependency play out in real-time, it is increasingly clear: that faster energy transitions are core business for governments and core to national security strategies; that doubling-down on renewables and resilience is in every country’s interests; and that action now is the basis of long-term peace and security around the world.”

Faster Energy Transition Core to National Security Importance

Simon Stiell. Photo by the Global Environment Facility via Flickr under CC 2.0

Luke Barisonek is a student at Boston University pursuing a degree in international relations with a focus on environment and development. As part of the Boston University London Summer Internship Program, Luke is interning with Global Government Forum where he primarily works in the editorial department. Luke is active in Boston-based political organising and is a member of the Boston University Snowboard Team.

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Inclusion is Sustainability: Addressing Environmental Issues

Inclusion is Sustainability: Addressing Environmental Issues

A vast landfill with urban skyline in Banten, Indonesia, highlighting environmental challenges. by Tom Fisk via Pexels

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Inclusion is sustainability

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We cannot neuter politics of access, justice and rights, and hope to fix environment or indeed development

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Inclusion is sustainability

Illustration: Yogendra Anand/CSE

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Published on Down To Earth

We stand at a cross-roads. Unsustainable growth is driving us towards climate catastrophe, while inequitable growth is fuelling increased poverty, increased marginalisation and increased anger. Our learning in India is that growth that is not affordable or, in other words, equitable, cannot be sustainable.

Consider air pollution. Delhi has become synonymous with toxic air. This is not for want of action. All coal plants have been shut; pet coke import (incidentally which the US exports because it is too toxic for local use) has been banned; and we are moving towards the cleanest fuels and vehicle technologies. But it is not good enough. Each winter, pollution returns with a vengeance. My colleagues estimate that air pollution in Delhi has fallen by 25 per cent over the past three years, as compared to the previous three; but levels still need to decline by 65 per cent to get what you can call, clean air. And this is when air pollution is a great equaliser. It does not differentiate between the rich and the poor; between the rural and urban populations. This is different from water pollution, where the rich can turn to bottled water. The middle-classes of the city may buy air purifiers, but they still breathe in the same airshed that contains toxins from the cars of the rich as well as the biomass-based stoves of the poor.

This is where the question of what we do next, becomes critical. We can continue to do what the rest of the world has done to combat pollution from each vehicle: improve the quality of fuel and even consider moving to electric vehicles. But these incremental actions would keep us spending and keep us behind the pollution crisis. The reason is simple: today, less than 20 per cent of my city drive in cars to work; roughly 25 per cent own cars. But these 25 per cent vehicle owners take 90 per cent of the road space. The question is, if the demand of just 20 per cent leads to huge congestion and pollution, where and how can the city find the road and air space for all?

This is where the environmentalism of the poor kicks in. Adding a few buses or trams or metros won’t work; we need to transform mobility so that it works both for the rich and the poor. This will mean combining affordability and convenience and safety.

Transformative action is also needed in case of energy. Today, many households in my world still use biomass to cook food. Women are exposed to toxic air pollutants. The problem is this pollution, which is killing poor people, is also contaminating the airshed of the rich and those owning SUVs. So, if we want clean air, we will first have to get the rich out of their polluting vehicles, but we will also have to ensure that the poor women get options to move out of dirty fuels. The opportunity is enormous. If we reinvent for transformative action, we can provide them viable, affordable options to leapfrog—from non-fossil dirty fuels, not to fossil, but to non-fossil clean fuels. This is where the world needs leadership so that finance for the energy transition is concessional and provides the opportunity to scale up the system for the poorest in the world.

The challenge of climate change reflects a similar tension. In 1990, my colleague Anil Agarwal and I argued in our publication Global Warming in an Unequal World that the world could not combat climate change without a fair and equitable agreement. Today, the same issue is on the table. If solutions cannot meet the needs of all—are equitable—they will not work.

Events in our world are spiraling out of control. Every year, we are told, is the hottest on record until the next year arrives and breaks that record. It is getting worse: from forest fires, to increasing frequency and intensity of storms, to blistering cold waves and scorching heat. The most inconvenient truth is that at current rates of emissions, the world will run out of the carbon budget—how much it can emit to keep temperature rise below 1.5°C—by 2030. Vast numbers of people still do not have access to basic energy; they need to grow and need energy for development. This is why we need cooperation so that future development can be low carbon for all.

It is clear that increasing numbers of disasters will make the poor, poorer. Their impoverishment and marginalisation will add to their desperation to seek alternative livelihoods. Their only choice will be to migrate—move to the city; move to another country. This will add to the already volatile situation, making our world insecure and violent. This is the cycle of destructive change that we must fight. Our globalised world is inter-connected and inter-dependent, we must recognise this. Sustainable development is not possible if it is not equitable. Growth has to be affordable and inclusive for it to be sustainable. But all this will not happen unless we articulate that the environmental challenge is not technocratic but political. We cannot neuter politics of access, justice and rights and hope to fix environment or indeed development.

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Can the World Still Achieve the SDGs by 2030?

Can the World Still Achieve the SDGs by 2030?

A vibrant scene of people raising hands to a large inflatable globe at a public event in Berlin. by skigh_tv via Pexels

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Can world still achieve the Sustainable Development Goals?

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Can world still achieve the Sustainable Development Goals?
A Saudi man looks at solar panels in Uyayna, north of Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, Apr. 10, 2018. (Reuters)

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The international community is at a critical moment when it comes to the UN Sustainable Development Goals, which were endorsed in 2015 with the aim of eradicating poverty and protecting the planet via 17 interconnected goals and 169 targets.

Key progress has been made in areas such as access to education, healthcare, renewable energy and digital innovation. Nevertheless, the chances of achieving the overall goals by the target of 2030 are fading.

The international community is significantly off track on progress toward many goals for four reasons: conflicts, economic volatility, the impacts of climate change, and the increasing inequalities between the wealthy and poor.

Based on recent assessments, including the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals Report and the SDG Index, only about 35 percent of SDG targets are on track or showing some progress. Nearly half are going forward too slowly and about 18 percent are seeing outright reversals compared to 2015 baselines.

Most progress can be witnessed in socioeconomic areas, while the shortcomings are linked to environmental goals and systemic inequalities.

There are challenges but several countries and regions have shown that targeted policies and investments can produce meaningful results. For example, East and South Asia have shown the fastest overall progress since 2015. This is mainly driven by rapid advancements in poverty reduction, education and infrastructure.

When it comes to the Middle East, Saudi Arabia has emerged as a compelling example of national ambition being aligned with the SDGs through its Vision 2030. The Kingdom has made notable gains in renewable energy as it diversifies away from oil dependency.

Several countries have shown that targeted policies and investments can produce meaningful results.

Dr. Majid Rafizadeh

For example, its massive solar initiatives — including building one of the world’s largest solar farms — support both SDG 7 (Affordable and Clean Energy) and SDG 9 (Industry, Innovation and Infrastructure).

Saudi Arabia has also invested heavily in education and healthcare, improving both access and quality, which contributes to gains in SDG 3 (Good Health and Well-being) and SDG 4 (Quality Education). Reports state that Saudi Arabia has improved its SDG Index score by 8.1 percentage points, with particularly strong performance in areas like poverty reduction (SDG 1).

The UAE has similarly advanced thanks to its efforts in leveraging innovation hubs and green finance to address multiple goals simultaneously.

Africa has shown resilience amid many obstacles. For example, Ethiopia and Benin have recorded some of the strongest gains. This has largely been achieved through socioeconomic indicators like health and education access.

Rwanda has become a model for postconflict recovery and digital innovation, with strong progress in healthcare and gender equality. And Kenya has capitalized on its tech-savvy youth entrepreneurship and renewable energy investments.

In Latin America and the Caribbean, countries like Costa Rica, Chile and Uruguay continue to make progress, particularly in biodiversity protection and social policies. Brazil has pursued climate and social protection initiatives, reaching about 19 percent of its targets.

European nations, particularly the Nordic countries (Finland, Sweden and Denmark), are at the top of the overall SDG Index rankings. This is mainly due to their strong institutions, social welfare systems and green policies. However, even they face challenges, including regarding consumption patterns and international spillovers affecting poorer nations.

These countries reveal that progress is possible and that it has been made when countries align their national strategies with global goals and when these goals are supported by public investment and innovation.

But there are still many challenges to overcome. For instance, conflicts in Ukraine, the Middle East and parts of Africa have devastated infrastructure, displaced populations and reversed gains in fighting poverty and improving healthcare. Debt burdens in developing countries have widened financing gaps. Climate change is also exacerbating existing vulnerabilities through extreme weather.

There are still inequalities both within and between countries. Gender disparities persist. Environmental targets such as climate action (SDG 13) show the slowest progress globally.

To be realistic, comprehensively achieving all the SDGs by the deadline appears unlikely taking into account the current pace. Projections suggest that many countries, especially in sub-Saharan Africa and conflict zones, will fall short.

However, this should not discourage us. Even partial successes and accelerated action in the remaining time could transform millions of lives. This can be done by more governments integrating the SDGs into their national budgets and development plans.

Governments should prioritize expanding social protections, investing in green infrastructure and reforming education systems to promote digital and green skills.

Even partial successes and accelerated action in the remaining time could transform millions of lives.

Dr. Majid Rafizadeh

International organizations like the UN, World Bank and International Monetary Fund should enhance their financing mechanisms, debt relief and technical assistance for poor and vulnerable nations.

Finally, the private sector can play a key role through responsible investment. Companies involved in Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 and Kenya’s tech ecosystem exemplify this powerful potential.

While achieving all the SDGs by the 2030 deadline appears unlikely, the progress made so far in countries from Saudi Arabia and the UAE to Ethiopia, India and Costa Rica proves that persistence, determination and intelligent policies can deliver results. The international community can still salvage and amplify gains, but political will is urgently needed.

  • Dr. Majid Rafizadeh is a Harvard-educated Iranian-American political scientist. X: @Dr_Rafizadeh
Knowledge Economic City Sells Land for Development

Knowledge Economic City Sells Land for Development

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Knowledge Economic City sells prime Madinah land for mixed-use project

RIYADH

 

Saudi Arabia’s Knowledge Economic City has announced the sale of 17,624.85 sq m plots of land within its premises in Madinah to two key entities – Al Bawaba International Investment and Olu Real Estate Company – for SAR229 million ($60 million).

The duo will be using these plots (C06-6 and C06-3) located within the Knowledge Economic City masterplan in Madinah for the development of a mixed-use project, said KEC in its filing to Saudi bourse Tadawul.

As per the deal, it will be set up through a private real estate investment fund to be jointly owned by Al Bawaba and Olu Real Estate.

This transaction is part of Knowledge Economic City’s strategy to maximise the value of its 6.8 million sq m land portfolio through direct development, partnerships with specialised investors and developers, or investment fund structures, thereby accelerating project development and enhancing capital efficiency.

The transaction represents one of the development models adopted by the company to unlock the value of its assets through collaboration with specialized investment firms and financial institutions, supporting the attraction of high-quality investments and promoting urban development within Knowledge Economic City, said the statement.

The book value of the land plots in the company’s records is SAR22 million, it stated.

According to KEC, the deal is aimed at enhancing its liquidity, boosting its financial position, enabling the reinvestment of capital into its current and future strategic projects, and accelerating the development of one of the strategic land plots within Knowledge Economic City.

The transaction is expected to generate a gross profit of SAR153.3 million before deducting any transaction-related expenses, fees, or obligations.

On the financial impact, KEC said it will be recognised in the company’s financial statements in accordance with the International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS) upon satisfaction of the applicable accounting recognition criteria and completion of the title transfer procedures.

The proceeds of the asset sale will be used to enhance the company’s liquidity and strengthen its financial position as well as for redeployment of capital into its current strategic projects to support sustainable growth and maximise shareholder value. TradeArabia News Service

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Trump May Resort to Even More Reckless Escalation Events

Trump May Resort to Even More Reckless Escalation Events

A vibrant crowd holding a religious flag at sunset, amidst a mystical festival atmosphere. by Muqtada Mohsen via Pexels

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Backed into a corner by Iran over the Strait of Hormuz, Trump may resort to even more reckless escalation

Greg Barton, Deakin University

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In a moment of brazen hubris in the Oval Office last year, US President Donald Trump railed at Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky. He accused Zelensky of not being thankful for US support in Ukraine’s existential struggle against invading Russian forces, and famously told him: “You don’t have the cards”.

Now, more than a year later, it is Trump who doesn’t have a winning hand in his standoff with Iran.

Iran may be no match for the United States militarily, but it’s been very successful in exerting what leverage it does have over the Strait of Hormuz. Trump can declare the strait open to commercial shipping as much as he wants, but he cannot make it so.

The US has resumed bombing Iran this week to try to wrest control of the strait from Iran, but Trump could go even further if he finds himself backed into a corner.

How Iran is wielding its leverage

Iran’s leverage over the strait comes down to playing a spoiling role – one of the key tactics in asymmetric warfare.

The longer it can keep the strait closed, the more pressure it places on the US and its partners in the Persian Gulf to end the war. Some 20% of the world’s oil and gas and large supplies of sulphur, ammonia, urea and helium transit through the narrow passageway every day.

And as evidenced by its actions over the last week, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) can threaten commercial traffic with drones or missile strikes anytime it likes. Despite heavy US bombardments since the war began, most of Iran’s missile sites along the strait are operational again.

Given this, shipping insurers, such as Lloyd’s of London, will either refuse to insure transits through the strait or charge hefty, nonviable premiums as long as the war continues.

Not only can the IRGC threaten shipping, it can also strike sites in every single Gulf state, as it has been doing at scale this week. Many US military bases across the region have been severely damaged. And the myth that having America as a house guest guaranteed security for Gulf states has been completely blown apart.

Why escalation is possible

The reality is there is no military pathway to reopening the Strait of Hormuz.

At the same time, neither the Iranian regime nor the Trump administration want to return to a significant escalation of hostilities. Both have much to lose – the military operations alone may have already cost the US more than US$100 billion – and nothing to gain from a prolonged war.

But the hardliners in Tehran, emboldened by an emotional week of national mourning for the martyred Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, have a much larger appetite for conflict than more pragmatic leaders in other countries. Analysts believe they could withstand a US naval blockade and bombardments for many more months.

As unpopular as it might be with the majority of the Iranian people, the regime appears to be in a stronger position now than it was when the war began.

Trump, meanwhile, wants desperately to be seen as a winner. And now that many of the conventional checks and balances that constrain a president’s power have been weakened, there is a real risk of reckless escalation.

For instance, Trump has long threatened to strike Iranian civilian infrastructure, such as electric and desalination plants, which could trigger a similar response by the Iranian regime on Gulf state energy infrastructure.

This happened earlier in the war, when Iran targeted energy sites in several Gulf states. If these sites are targeted again, it could have lasting impacts on the global economy.

Should the escalation go further and involve direct strikes on the 400 desalination plants the Gulf states depend on for their drinking water, the consequences would be devastating.

The Iranian regime could also pressure the Houthis in Yemen to escalate from merely blocking Israeli ships from transiting the Bab el-Mandeb Strait at the southern end of the Red Sea to returning to attacking vessels in the chokepoint. About 10% of global trade passes through that strait.

So far, the Houthis have held off on further attacks, in part because after years of war, they have achieved a detente with their neighbour, Saudi Arabia.

However, this ceasefire now appears shaky, after an airport attack this week that the Houthis blamed on Saudi Arabia.

A ground campaign would be disastrous

The larger reality is that military campaigns from the air have never achieved regime change. Another reality: America, for all its formidable military might, has failed to win a major war in the past 80 years.

Any serious military escalation against Iran would require US “boots on the ground”, similar to Iraq two decades ago. But an international coalition force of hundreds of thousands of military personnel proved to be insufficient in bringing stability to that country after the 2003 invasion. And Iran is almost four times the size of Iraq. It is inconceivable the vastly larger force that would be required to take control of just the mountainous southern coast of Iran could ever be assembled.

With the advent of modern drones, we have also entered a new era of warfare – one Iran is better positioned to exploit than the US. Iran possesses a remarkable depth of industrial military capacity, which has produced a more even match than might have been expected against the world’s most powerful military.

The implications for a US ground campaign are clear: any forces attempting an occupation of even a limited part of the Iranian coast, or Kharg Island, would face formidable opposition.

The risk of a much more serious escalation, though, remains. This includes the very small, but not negligible, risk of tactical nuclear weapons being deployed by the US, opening a Pandora’s box of global consequences.

What is Trump’s best option, then? Allowing Iran to retain a new level of control over the Strait of Hormuz establishes a terrible precedent, but it might be the least worst of all possible outcomes.The Conversation

Greg Barton, Chair in Global Islamic Politics, Alfred Deakin Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation, Deakin University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.