An Environmental Catastrophe Has Also Wrecked Iran’s Economy

An Environmental Catastrophe Has Also Wrecked Iran’s Economy

View of Tehran cityscape featuring the Milad Tower surrounded by hills under hazy skies. by Masih Shahbazi via Pexels

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Iran’s environmental catastrophe has also wrecked its economy

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Nima Shokri, United Nations University; Technical University of Hamburg

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For several decades, Iran has devoted substantial financial, institutional and political resources to military expansion. It has invested heavily in supporting its regional partners, as well as in pursuing geopolitical influence across the Middle East.

Previously, the Islamic Republic has shown few signs of swivelling its resources toward fixing its ever expanding environmental problems.

And those problems are considerable. Around 11% of deaths and 52% of the burden of diseases across the country are attributable to environmental risk factors, according to the World Health Organization.

Excessive groundwater extraction has caused buildings and roads to crack and sometimes collapse. Iran’s capital Tehran is often ranked as having the worst levels of air pollution in the world. In 2025 local media reported 350 deaths caused by poor air quality within a ten-day period. Hospitals at the time reported rising numbers of cases of respiratory and cardiac complications across Iran.

Lake Urmia – once the Middle East’s largest saltwater lake – has dried out, leaving salt-laden dust plumes were capable of travelling hundreds of kilometres and even crossing national borders in less than 12 hours.

The peace agreement that is being hammered out between the US and Iran’s leaders could hand Tehran a significant financial asset. It may unfreeze Iranian assets in foreign banks that they were previously unable to access due to US sanctions. This will give the government access to billions of dollars. Iran is also now exporting millions of barrels of crude oil that had been held in storage during the conflict.

The question then is where will all this money be spent.

Many analysts suggest a massive reconstruction project is needed to rebuild damaged factories, roads, and other essential infrastructure. While it thought highly unlikely that Tehran will see environmental investment as its top priority, the approach could provide major economic benefits.

Iran is now using its groundwater far faster than it can be naturally replenished. As a result, major lakes and wetlands are drying up. Water shortages are undermining agriculture, and forcing some rural communities to leave their farms. Studies indicate that approximately 56,000 km2 (3.5%) of the country’s area is subject to land subsidence, caused by excessive groundwater extraction.

Air pollution imposes significant public health and productivity costs. This contributes to thousands of premature deaths each year, and reduces labour productivity through illness and absenteeism. Dust and salinity storms continue to hit many parts of the country. They damage crops and soils, increase respiratory disease, disrupt daily life, and make already vulnerable regions harder to inhabit.

Rich rewards

When a state destroys its basic natural resources, it is not merely experiencing an ecological downturn. Natural systems (water, soil, ecosystems) are the foundations of any country. Without them, a nation has severely undermined its long-term economic output: farms disappear, road and rail systems crack and break, and people struggle to live.

A peace dividend from the US deal could therefore present Tehran with a rare moment of strategic re-evaluation and a chance to fix its long-term environmental problems. A different approach could generate long-term value, economic stability and, potentially, improved public health outcomes.

A serious national investment, and reconstruction, programme needs to focus on repairing leaking urban water networks, restoring wetlands and forests that regulate water and reduce dust storms. It could also upgrade ageing water and energy infrastructure, and redesigning cities to better withstand drought, extreme heat, and air pollution. It would also create jobs and mobilise high-skilled labour across engineering, science, manufacturing and technology sectors. This would begin reversing decades of damage to the natural systems on which Iran’s economy depends.

Iran is struggling with extreme levels of air pollution.

What needs work?

Restoring depleted aquifers, rehabilitating degraded land and modernising water and energy systems would increase the economy’s capacity to produce goods and services while reducing the long-term costs associated with environmental degradation.

Iran should see environmental restoration as its most important long-term growth strategy. A national investment programme could be centred on modern irrigation networks, wastewater recycling and reuse. These alongside renewable energy, and ecosystem recovery, would be a massive economic engine.

More efficient water use would strengthen food security. Investments in infrastructure would continue generating economic returns long after the initial capital has been spent.

Legal caps on groundwater abstraction, and economic diversification away from water-intensive crops are essential. Improved irrigation and wastewater reuse plus adjusting water pricing to reflect scarcity would also help.

This approach could not only be a valuable peace dividend for the Iranian people, but also a massive economic boost. Those financial benefits may have some appeal to a government which has ignored many of these environmental problems for so long.The Conversation

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Nima Shokri, Executive Co-Director, Institute for Water, Environment and Health (UNU-INWEH), United Nations University; Technical University of Hamburg

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This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Cities Can’t Afford to Keep Treating Trees Correctly

Cities Can’t Afford to Keep Treating Trees Correctly

A quiet urban street corner with sunlit trees and scattered autumn leaves. by Pexels User via pexels

Cities can't afford to keep treating trees like decoration
07-03-2026

Cities can’t afford to keep treating trees like decoration

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Stand under a big old tree on a sweltering afternoon and you’ll understand something city planners are only now starting to take seriously: that shade isn’t decoration. It’s doing a job.

Trees are cooling the block, catching stormwater before it floods the street, and scrubbing pollution out of the air a person’s actually breathing.

A new study, written by more than 60 scientists spanning dozens of countries, makes the case that most cities still can’t quite bring themselves to treat trees like the infrastructure they clearly are.

The team behind it is led by Manuel Esperon-Rodriguez from Western Sydney University and Bangor University, with Mark G. Tjoelker from Western Sydney University as senior author.

Trees need time to grow

You can plant a sapling in twenty minutes. Growing an actual canopy, the kind that meaningfully cools a neighborhood though, takes decades.

So when a mature tree comes down, a city doesn’t just lose a tree. It loses thirty or forty years of accumulated shade, habitat, and carbon storage, and there’s no fast way to buy that back.

And yet trees keep losing these fights. Developers clear them because it’s cheaper and faster and penalties for illegal removal are often too weak to sting.

City budgets tend to fund the planting photo-op but not the years of watering, pruning, and pest management that actually keep a tree alive.

The researchers want stiffer enforcement, real tax incentives for landowners who keep mature trees standing, and minimum canopy requirements written into law rather than left to goodwill.

They even suggest big infrastructure projects, the kind that usually flatten everything in their path, could be redesigned to grow canopy instead of erasing it.

Not every neighborhood gets the shade

Wealthy neighborhoods, almost everywhere researchers have looked, tend to be noticeably leafier than poor ones.

Meanwhile, it’s the low-income neighborhoods that usually catch the worst of the heat and the dirtiest air.

The trees, in other words, tend to show up exactly where they’re needed least.

Closing that gap takes more than a citywide average that quietly hides the worst blocks.

Greening neighborhoods without displacing residents

The authors want targets set neighborhood by neighborhood.

They also want the people who actually live there, including Indigenous communities, involved in deciding what gets planted and where – rather than having greenery imposed on them from a planning office.

There’s a warning too: planting lots of trees without a plan can trigger green gentrification, raising rents and pushing out the very residents the trees were meant to benefit.

The only real fix, the researchers argue, is tying tree policy directly to housing policy instead of treating them as two separate departments that never talk.

Trees barely show up in climate policy

Given how much trees do, it’s almost strange how absent they are from the major climate and biodiversity agreements that actually move money and political will.

The authors want that fixed, with urban forests written explicitly into national climate plans, biodiversity strategies, and the commitments countries make under frameworks like the Paris Agreement.

Money remains the sticking point. Estimates put the global price tag for nature-based climate solutions, urban forests among them, at well over $500 billion a year.

Most current funding covers the ribbon-cutting moment of planting a tree and stops right there, leaving the decades of upkeep that actually determine whether that tree survives unfunded and, often, forgotten.

The study points to newer tools like green bonds, biodiversity credits, and tracking programs such as Tree Cities of the World as ways to start closing that gap, rather than continuing to fund trees like a one-time expense.

Many cities fail to keep record of trees

Maybe the most surprising finding here isn’t political, it’s logistical. Plenty of cities simply don’t keep good records on their own trees.

Nobody’s tracking which newly planted saplings actually survive their first few summers, which species are struggling, or how unevenly canopy is spread across town.

Without that information, cities are essentially guessing whether their tree policies work at all.

The scientists push for cheaper, sharper tools, satellite imagery, AI-assisted monitoring, to close that data gap, especially for less rich cities.

City trees should be diversified

The team also flags a quieter risk: planting the same few species block after block. It looks tidy, but it’s fragile.

One well-timed pest or disease can wipe out an entire city’s canopy in a single outbreak.

Instead, the researchers argue that cities should diversify their tree populations. Non-native species can be included where they are well suited to a hotter, drier future.

At the same time, cities should continue prioritizing native trees while respecting the ecological and cultural context of each place.

An urgent problem

A city’s trees aren’t a nice-to-have thing that gets funded once the “real” priorities are covered.

They’re already doing the work of public health policy, climate defense, and neighborhood fairness, whether or not anyone’s paying for it that way.

The authors don’t treat this as a distant problem. Cities keep growing and heatwaves keep getting worse.

Thus, the decisions being made right now – about which trees get to stay standing and which neighborhoods get to keep their shade – will quietly decide how livable those cities feel for decades after the people making those decisions are gone.

The study is published in the journal PLOS One.

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The West’s Climate Colonialism in the Greater Middle East

The West’s Climate Colonialism in the Greater Middle East

Desert, pyramids, Egypt, travel, sand, sky, Giza, dry, arid, barren, landscape, by Pexels via Pixabay

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The West’s Climate Colonialism in the Greater Middle East

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There is a disturbing structural parallel between the old global energy economy and the new green transition.

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CARNEGIE MIDDLE EAST CENTER  Published on Jun 30, 2026

We are used to looking at the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region through the geopolitical lens of wars, borders, and oil pipelines. But today, a resource struggle is playing out under our noses, wrapped in a very clean, eco-friendly package. What is being presented by Western countries as a global green transition is, in many cases, reproducing old patterns of economic dependence under a new environmental banner. In fact, when you strip away the polite diplomacy and the dry academic terminology, the climate-related action required of the developing world looks less like a shared global rescue mission and more like climate colonialism by the developed world.

To see the unfairness at the heart of this system, all you have to do is look at who caused the mess versus who is paying for it. Over the past two centuries, Western nations built their wealth, powered their cities, and secured their high standards of living by burning fossil fuels without a second thought. They effectively used up the world’s carbon budget in order to get rich. Now that the planet is facing an ecological crisis, the same countries want to impose universal emission targets on everyone equally.

It is a glaring double standard. Having reached a plateau of sorts, the industrialized West is essentially kicking out the developmental ladder behind it and telling those countries still building their infrastructure that they aren’t allowed to clamber up. This tension has historically strained relations between several Western countries and China, which is arguably the world’s foremost developing power. China aside, the MENA region, which has contributed a tiny fraction of historical global emissions but now bears the brunt of the physical consequences—from heatwaves to dried-up water sources—has not escaped the attention of the West. The latter continues to demand immediate, drastic emission cuts by the MENA countries.

Western states are also turning to Egypt and Morocco as prime locations for large-scale renewable energy and green hydrogen projects. With their abundant sunshine, wind resources, and proximity to Europe, these and other MENA nations are a favorable location for such enterprises, which are celebrated as beautiful examples of international cooperation in pursuit of renewable energy. However, if you look at where the power actually goes, the reality is chastening. A huge chunk of the clean electricity generated by these mega-projects isn’t being used to stabilize local power grids, prevent regional blackouts, or lower utility bills for the communities living in the vicinity of solar panels. Instead, it is being sent directly across the Mediterranean via massive undersea cables to power European factories, light up European homes, and charge European electric cars.

Even the international “carbon offset” market—whereby companies strive to compensate for their emissions by paying for green projects elsewhere that are intended to absorb an equivalent amount of carbon dioxide—has turned into a territorial grab. Major Western polluters such as commercial airlines, oil conglomerates, and Silicon Valley technology giants don’t want to cut their emissions because that would hurt their profits. To offset their burning of fossil fuels, these firms buy up huge tracts of land in developing countries such as Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zimbabwe, plant trees there, and then claim that they’ve “neutralized” their pollution. Companies that have done this include Delta Air Lines, Shell, Microsoft, Meta, and TotalEnergies. Critics argue that carbon offsetting reduces the incentive to cut emissions at the source while shifting the burden onto developing countries.

Then there is the financial trap. When MENA (and other) countries ask for the capital they need to adapt to severe climate shocks, such as rising sea levels threatening the fertile soil of Egypt’s Nile Delta, their Western counterparts rarely respond with direct compensation or reparations for the global damage their centuries-long industrialization has caused. Instead, the West offers “climate finance,” which is usually just a fancy term for high-interest sovereign loans. Vulnerable nations are forced to take on massive debts just to survive a crisis they didn’t create.

This creates a predatory cycle in which poor countries must divert their limited national budgets to pay back foreign banks in Washington, London, or Brussels, instead of investing that money into their own healthcare, education, or public services. During the 2022 United Nations Climate Change Conference in Sharm al-Sheikh, Egypt repeatedly urged wealthy nations to provide larger grants as well as compensation for climate-related losses suffered by hard-hit countries. Though initiatives such as Egypt’s Nexus of Water, Food and Energy program—an action plan for combating the effects of climate change—have attracted billions of dollars, much of the support still comes through loans and blended finance rather than direct compensation. This adds to concerns that the West is saddling climate-threatened economies with significant debt.

It’s as though colonialism didn’t disappear when foreign empires pulled their troops out of the MENA region. The new variant, climate colonialism, has dispensed with flags in favor of corporate sustainability targets, carbon credits, and promises of a world gone green. Yet the structural parallel between the old global energy economy and the new green transition is impossible to ignore. Historically, the West exploited MENA’s oil in order to fuel its rise to power. Today, it is exploiting the region’s sun, wind, and land to clean up the toxic side effects of that ascent. The West secures for itself green energy, clean air, and the right to lecture the rest of the world on sustainability, while countries from the Middle East to North Africa are left with droughts, mounting debt, and a new layer of economic dependency.

Climate change is a real and terrifying emergency that requires urgent action. But the global framework ostensibly meant to combat it is rooted in power, not fairness. In fact, the rules are rigged against the people paying the highest price. Only when wealthy nations begin treating climate finance as a matter of historical responsibility—providing grants instead of loans, supporting local ownership of renewable projects, and ensuring that developing countries are the first to benefit from their own natural resources—can the green transition become a genuinely equitable phenomenon. Until then, with environmental policies designed exclusively in Western capitals and corporate boardrooms, renewable energy will remain wedded to an extractive industry.

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About the Author

Angie Omar

Angie Omar

Editor-in-chief, Sada

Angie Omar is an accomplished international journalist, editor, producer, and writer with a wealth of experience in the news and politics industries.

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Diwan

Diwan, a blog from the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace’s Middle East Program and the Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center, draws on Carnegie scholars to provide insight into and analysis of the region.

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Strengthen Regional Cooperation on Urban Resilience

Strengthen Regional Cooperation on Urban Resilience

Scenic view of the historic Kasbah in Algiers, capturing the old architecture at sunset with warm tones. by Adem via Pexels

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Arab States strengthen regional cooperation on urban resilience and risk-informed development

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UNDRR 30-06-2026

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Photo of workshop participants with screen presentation
UNDRR ROAS

 

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Representatives from governments, regional organizations, United Nations agencies, technical institutions and city authorities gathered in Algiers for a three-day regional workshop on urban resilience, smart cities and risk-informed development, reaffirming their commitment to building safer, more resilient and sustainable cities across the Arab States.

Organized alongside the inaugural meeting of the Arab Urban Resilience Committee, the workshop provided a regional platform to exchange knowledge, strengthen institutional coordination, and identify practical approaches for integrating disaster risk reduction into urban planning, governance and investment.

The event was organized by the League of Arab States (LAS), the Arab Centre for the Prevention of Earthquake and Other Natural Disasters (ACPEND), the United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction (UNDRR), UN-Habitat, and regional partners, reflecting a shared commitment to advancing risk-informed urban development in support of the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction 2015–2030 and the Sustainable Development Goals.

Advancing risk-informed urban resilience

The workshop focused on translating global commitments into practical action at the national and local levels, emphasizing the need to strengthen governance, improve risk-informed planning, and promote investments that enhance urban resilience.

Participants explored regional priorities for addressing urban risks, integrating disaster risk reduction into urban development policies, strengthening institutional coordination, and reinforcing collaboration between national and local authorities to better anticipate, manage and reduce current and emerging risks.

Discussions also highlighted the growing importance of resilient cities in addressing the interconnected challenges of climate change, rapid urbanization, infrastructure development and disaster risk, while ensuring that resilience is embedded within sustainable development planning.

From commitment to implementation through MCR2030

UNDRR facilitated a dedicated session on the Making Cities Resilient 2030 (MCR2030) initiative, showcasing progress across the Arab region and demonstrating how cities are translating global commitments into concrete local action.

The session highlighted practical tools and approaches for strengthening urban resilience, including the MCR2030 roadmap, the Disaster Resilience Scorecard for Cities, resilience action planning, disaster risk financing, disaster loss and damage data systems, and the Early Warnings for All initiative.

Participants also exchanged experiences from cities including Salalah and Alexandria, illustrating how local leadership, peer learning and partnerships are helping cities move from resilience planning to implementation. The discussion underscored the value of city-to-city cooperation and regional knowledge exchange in accelerating resilience action across the Arab region.

Building greener, smarter and more resilient cities

Participants explored how nature-based solutions, smart city approaches and digital innovation can strengthen resilience while supporting sustainable urban development.

Sessions examined the growing impacts of climate-related hazards, including extreme heat, flooding, drought and environmental degradation and highlighted the importance of resilient infrastructure, integrated urban planning, sustainable finance and community engagement in reducing disaster risk.

The workshop reaffirmed that resilient cities require coordinated action across all levels of government, supported by strong partnerships with academia, the private sector, civil society and local communities.

Strengthening regional cooperation

A key outcome of the meeting was the establishment of the leadership of the Arab Urban Resilience Committee, marking an important step towards strengthening regional cooperation on urban resilience.

Recognizing the leadership demonstrated by the City of Salalah through its engagement in the MCR2030 initiative and its contribution to advancing urban resilience across the region, the Sultanate of Oman was selected to chair the Arab Urban Resilience Committee, with Algeria and the State of Palestine serving as Vice-Chairs. The Committee will provide a regional platform to promote collaboration, facilitate knowledge exchange, and support the implementation of risk-informed urban resilience policies and practices across the Arab States.

The workshop concluded with renewed commitment from participating countries and partners to strengthen regional cooperation, enhance technical exchange, and accelerate the implementation of risk-informed urban development.

By connecting global frameworks with national policies and local action, participants reaffirmed that resilient cities are fundamental to protecting development gains, reducing disaster risk, and advancing sustainable development throughout the Arab States.

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Beyond 2030: Forging Alliances for Sustainable Change

Beyond 2030: Forging Alliances for Sustainable Change

Two hands exchanging a small globe for unity and ecological awareness. by Mikhail Nilov via Pexels. In any case, the SDGs showed us where to go, but now what Part of the answer is here.

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Beyond 2030: Forging Alliances for the Future of Global Sustainability

Event Type
HSC High-level roundtable

Location / Date
Hamburg, 30.06.2026

Organizer
German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS), Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI), Southern Voice, Monash University

Five years before the 2030 Agenda’s deadline, only 35% of the goals are on track to be reached by 2030 or show at least moderate progress. While the global community is falling short in implementing the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) – facing multiple crises, a deteriorating geopolitical environment and deep structural deficiencies – support for ambitious sustainability transformations is declining in key countries. Against this challenging backdrop, it can be considered a success that UN member states were able to adopt the Pact for the Future with a significant majority. In this Pact, UN member states committed to “turbocharge” implementation of the 2030 Agenda and to begin planning, at the 2027 SDG Summit, how to advance sustainable development beyond 2030 “as a priority and at the centre of our work”.

With the end of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development approaching in 2030, the future of the SDGs “until and beyond 2030”, as the Pact for the Future states, is a core topic of the Hamburg Sustainability Conference (HSC), a global conference aiming to push solutions and alliances for sustainability. When the HSC 2026 takes place, slightly more than a year will remain until the SDG Summit in September 2027. Discussions across policy circles, academia, and civil society are already starting to draw lessons from the past ten years of SDG implementation and to explore potential paths for what should follow the SDGs. Debates are at this stage emerging in a rather ad hoc and uncoordinated manner, including among actors supportive of a universal and integrated agenda, actors promoting more technocratic approaches – and actors actively dismissing the idea of a global sustainability agenda altogether. It is therefore crucial to use the HSC as a platform to bring together high-level actors from different regions and income groups with the potential to serve as norm entrepreneurs representing governments, international organisations, business, civil society and academia.

The session will bring key global actors together to enable early conversations, build momentum for the 2027 SDG Summit, and reflect on narratives and partnerships for an inclusive, effective future global development framework.

Thematic focus

Next steps in the preparations for a global sustainability framework beyond 2030

The session brings together approx. 35 high-level participants representing governments, international organisations, business, civil society and academia that have the potential to act as supporters of a beyond-2030 global sustainability framework. The strengthening of Global South perspectives in international sustainable development debates is a key aim of the session. The session explores the narratives and partnerships needed to advance a sustainable futures agenda until and beyond 2030. It seeks to generate new and channel existing momentum among key like-minded actors – as “fellow travellers” – in support of a successful preparatory process for the SDG Summit in September 2027. The session is informed by the following outcomes:

  • The results of a mapping exercise conducted by IDOS, drawing on a fact-finding roundtable in spring 2026, complemented by interviews, literature review and online research, to map the interests and strategies of key countries;
  • Southern Voice survey on the beyond-2030 framework, exploring priorities and insights from the Global South;
  • A series of regional roundtables in Africa, Asia and Latin America led by Southern Voice on the future of development cooperation.

Building on this preparatory work, which will be shared ahead of the HSC, the session aims to conclude with concrete steps for strategic action to support a trust-based, inclusive, and effective policy process towards the 2027 SDG Summit.

The co-organisers of this session are committed to connecting this convening with their key initiatives and using their networks to organise follow-up activities to ensure an inclusive, action-oriented and science-based beyond-2030 discussion with a view to key events in 2027: HSC 2027, the UN High-Level Political Forum (July 2027) and the SDG Summit (September 2027).

Guiding questions

The following guiding questions will structure the conversation:

Narrative: What fundamentally different narratives could generate political will, especially among governments sceptical of multilateral sustainability commitments, and incentivise them to engage seriously in negotiating a beyond-2030 framework?

  1. Partnerships: Who needs to be at the table – and who is currently missing – to make a 2027 negotiation mandate politically achievable and substantively ambitious? What partnerships are needed to support an ambitious beyond-2030 framework within the UN and beyond?

Objectives

  1. Develop a common understanding of the narratives and partnerships needed for an ambitious global sustainability framework beyond 2030.
  2. Initiate a mapping exercise to identify potential allies and fellow travellers from different sectors and regions.
  3. Identify concrete actions to create momentum for an ambitious follow-up agenda.

Outputs

Drawing on these inputs, the session aims to identify key narratives for a post-2030 agenda, map like-minded partners, and initiate coordinated action towards the 2027 SDG Summit. Follow-up activities will support an inclusive, action-oriented and science-based process aligned with key milestones, including the UN High-Level Political Forum, HSC 2027 and the SDG Summit.

Hinweis

Während unserer Veranstaltungen werden z.T. Foto- und/oder Filmaufnahmen gemacht, die für Zwecke der Veranstaltungsberichterstattung und allgemeinen Öffentlichkeitsarbeit in verschiedenen Medien veröffentlicht werden. Sie haben jederzeit das Recht, die Foto- oder Videograf*innen darauf hinzuweisen, dass Sie nicht aufgenommen werden möchten. / During our events photos and/or videos may be taken which may be published in various media for the purposes of documentation and PR activities. You have the right at any time to point out to the photographer or videographer that you do not want to be photographed or filmed.

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Event information

Date / Time

30.06.2026 / 13:30 – 15:20

Location

Hamburg Sustainability Conference
Adolphsplatz 1
Hamburg
Room Accelerator II

Content goes Contact Dr. Axel Berger Stellvertretender Direktor (interim) E-mail Axel.Berger@idos-research.de Theme Special Beyond 2030 – The future of global Sustainability here
Link Contact Dr. Axel Berger Stellvertretender Direktor (interim) E-mail Axel.Berger@idos-research.de Theme Special Beyond 2030 – The future of global Sustainabilityext