Trump May Resort to Even More Reckless Escalation Events

Trump May Resort to Even More Reckless Escalation Events

A vibrant crowd holding a religious flag at sunset, amidst a mystical festival atmosphere. by Muqtada Mohsen via Pexels

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Backed into a corner by Iran over the Strait of Hormuz, Trump may resort to even more reckless escalation

Greg Barton, Deakin University

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In a moment of brazen hubris in the Oval Office last year, US President Donald Trump railed at Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky. He accused Zelensky of not being thankful for US support in Ukraine’s existential struggle against invading Russian forces, and famously told him: “You don’t have the cards”.

Now, more than a year later, it is Trump who doesn’t have a winning hand in his standoff with Iran.

Iran may be no match for the United States militarily, but it’s been very successful in exerting what leverage it does have over the Strait of Hormuz. Trump can declare the strait open to commercial shipping as much as he wants, but he cannot make it so.

The US has resumed bombing Iran this week to try to wrest control of the strait from Iran, but Trump could go even further if he finds himself backed into a corner.

How Iran is wielding its leverage

Iran’s leverage over the strait comes down to playing a spoiling role – one of the key tactics in asymmetric warfare.

The longer it can keep the strait closed, the more pressure it places on the US and its partners in the Persian Gulf to end the war. Some 20% of the world’s oil and gas and large supplies of sulphur, ammonia, urea and helium transit through the narrow passageway every day.

And as evidenced by its actions over the last week, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) can threaten commercial traffic with drones or missile strikes anytime it likes. Despite heavy US bombardments since the war began, most of Iran’s missile sites along the strait are operational again.

Given this, shipping insurers, such as Lloyd’s of London, will either refuse to insure transits through the strait or charge hefty, nonviable premiums as long as the war continues.

Not only can the IRGC threaten shipping, it can also strike sites in every single Gulf state, as it has been doing at scale this week. Many US military bases across the region have been severely damaged. And the myth that having America as a house guest guaranteed security for Gulf states has been completely blown apart.

Why escalation is possible

The reality is there is no military pathway to reopening the Strait of Hormuz.

At the same time, neither the Iranian regime nor the Trump administration want to return to a significant escalation of hostilities. Both have much to lose – the military operations alone may have already cost the US more than US$100 billion – and nothing to gain from a prolonged war.

But the hardliners in Tehran, emboldened by an emotional week of national mourning for the martyred Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, have a much larger appetite for conflict than more pragmatic leaders in other countries. Analysts believe they could withstand a US naval blockade and bombardments for many more months.

As unpopular as it might be with the majority of the Iranian people, the regime appears to be in a stronger position now than it was when the war began.

Trump, meanwhile, wants desperately to be seen as a winner. And now that many of the conventional checks and balances that constrain a president’s power have been weakened, there is a real risk of reckless escalation.

For instance, Trump has long threatened to strike Iranian civilian infrastructure, such as electric and desalination plants, which could trigger a similar response by the Iranian regime on Gulf state energy infrastructure.

This happened earlier in the war, when Iran targeted energy sites in several Gulf states. If these sites are targeted again, it could have lasting impacts on the global economy.

Should the escalation go further and involve direct strikes on the 400 desalination plants the Gulf states depend on for their drinking water, the consequences would be devastating.

The Iranian regime could also pressure the Houthis in Yemen to escalate from merely blocking Israeli ships from transiting the Bab el-Mandeb Strait at the southern end of the Red Sea to returning to attacking vessels in the chokepoint. About 10% of global trade passes through that strait.

So far, the Houthis have held off on further attacks, in part because after years of war, they have achieved a detente with their neighbour, Saudi Arabia.

However, this ceasefire now appears shaky, after an airport attack this week that the Houthis blamed on Saudi Arabia.

A ground campaign would be disastrous

The larger reality is that military campaigns from the air have never achieved regime change. Another reality: America, for all its formidable military might, has failed to win a major war in the past 80 years.

Any serious military escalation against Iran would require US “boots on the ground”, similar to Iraq two decades ago. But an international coalition force of hundreds of thousands of military personnel proved to be insufficient in bringing stability to that country after the 2003 invasion. And Iran is almost four times the size of Iraq. It is inconceivable the vastly larger force that would be required to take control of just the mountainous southern coast of Iran could ever be assembled.

With the advent of modern drones, we have also entered a new era of warfare – one Iran is better positioned to exploit than the US. Iran possesses a remarkable depth of industrial military capacity, which has produced a more even match than might have been expected against the world’s most powerful military.

The implications for a US ground campaign are clear: any forces attempting an occupation of even a limited part of the Iranian coast, or Kharg Island, would face formidable opposition.

The risk of a much more serious escalation, though, remains. This includes the very small, but not negligible, risk of tactical nuclear weapons being deployed by the US, opening a Pandora’s box of global consequences.

What is Trump’s best option, then? Allowing Iran to retain a new level of control over the Strait of Hormuz establishes a terrible precedent, but it might be the least worst of all possible outcomes.The Conversation

Greg Barton, Chair in Global Islamic Politics, Alfred Deakin Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation, Deakin University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Renewable Generation Marks a Historic Record in Clean Energy

Renewable Generation Marks a Historic Record in Clean Energy

A renewable energy farm with wind turbines and solar panels under a clear sky. by Kindel Media via Pexels

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Renewable generation marks a historic record and already contributes almost a third of the world’s electricity

By Energía Estratégica • July 15, 2026

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An IRENA report reveals that clean electricity production grew by 9.8% in 2024, well above conventional sources, although the pace of renewables is still insufficient to meet climate targets by 2035.

Electricity generation from renewable sources reached its highest growth rate in recent history in 2024, consolidating its advance over fossil fuels. According to the International Renewable Energy Agency’s (IRENA) Renewable Energy Statistics 2026 , clean energy production increased by 9.8% during the last year, well above the 1.4% recorded by non-renewable technologies.

Thanks to this performance, renewable energies accounted for 31.7% of all electricity generated worldwide , with a production of 9836 TWh , driven mainly by the expansion of solar and wind power.

The data also show that the deployment of renewables continues to accelerate. In 2025, global installed capacity reached a record 693 GW added in a single year, raising global renewable capacity to 5.2 TW , equivalent to 49.5% of all installed electricity capacity on the planet.

However, IRENA warns that this growth is still insufficient to meet international decarbonization targets. To achieve the goal of electricity covering 35% of final energy demand by 2035 , the share of renewables in electricity generation must increase from the current 31.7% to 78% , roughly doubling in the next decade.

Asia leads the growth, but the Middle East registers the biggest jump

The report confirms that Asia was once again the main driver of global renewable growth, generating 4589 TWh , 14.3% higher than the previous year thanks to the strong development of solar and wind power.

Europe produced 1758 TWh , an increase of 7.2% , while North America reached 1535 TWh (+5.8%) and South America reached 1047 TWh (+2.9%).

Although its absolute volume remains small, the Middle East recorded the world’s largest percentage growth, with a 17.3% increase in renewable generation.

Africa increased its production by 5.7% , Eurasia by 11.9% , Oceania by 3.4% , and Central America and the Caribbean by 5.8% .

“The growing support for global electrification reflects the shared recognition that clean electricity strengthens energy security, resilience, and competitiveness. This will require renewable electricity generation to expand at an unprecedented rate over the next decade, roughly 2.5 times the current level,” said IRENA Director-General Francesco La Camera.

“The technologies are available and the profitability is attractive. Now we must transition rapidly from fossil fuels to clean electricity in buildings, transport and industry,” he added.

The United Nations also highlighted that the recorded growth confirms that the energy transition continues to gain momentum, although they insisted that increased climate finance will be necessary to ensure that this progress reaches developing countries more quickly.

Although in 2025 renewables accounted for 85.7% of all new installed electricity capacity , compared to 92.7% a year earlier, IRENA concludes that the structural trend remains: renewable technologies continue to expand at a much faster rate than conventional sources and consolidate their leading role in the global energy mix.

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Green Colonialism and Africa’s Quest for Energy Equity

Green Colonialism and Africa’s Quest for Energy Equity

A solar-powered street light set against vibrant green conifer trees, symbolising sustainable energy.  by finix photographer via Pexels

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Green colonialism and Africa’s renewable energy push: pathways to sustainable green technology partnerships

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By implementing rights-based policy safeguards, African nations could unlock sustainable green technology partnerships that expand access to clean and reliable energy and create green jobs.

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By Damilola S. Olawuyi

Published on Jul 14, 2026 – APRI

Summary
  • Endowed with abundant natural resources and a growing youth population, Africa has the potential to become the global hub for solar, wind and green hydrogen investments.

  • With about 600 million Africans still lacking access to electricity, the continent offers significant investment opportunities in renewable energy technologies and solutions that deliver clean, reliable energy to underserved communities, unlocking green jobs and other economic opportunities.

  • Despite the prospects of emerging green technology partnerships, significant concerns arise regarding their design and implementation.

  • While emerging green technology partnerships may offer African nations short-term financing and technology access, in the long term, they risk entrenching green colonialism, i.e., the production of clean energy in a manner that exploits Africa’s natural resources, prioritises the needs of other world regions and undermines social, environmental and human rights safeguards, especially in Indigenous communities.

  • Unclear domestic legal frameworks on green investments, a lack of human rights safeguards, inadequate negotiation capacity and a lack of supportive policies on local content and clean technology entrepreneurship risk re-entrenching green colonialism, technology dependence and unsustainable debt accumulation, and could hinder local innovators from playing active roles in shaping Africa’s green energy future.

  • To catalyse just, inclusive and sustainable green technology partnerships, African nations must: embed robust human rights due diligence requirements within green technology agreements in alignment with international best practices; develop national strategies and safeguards on debt sustainability; prioritise local content initiatives aimed at addressing barriers to homegrown clean technology entrepreneurship; and invest in training and capacity development programmes and resources to enhance the institutional capacity of relevant agencies and ministries involved in the negotiation and implementation of green technology partnership arrangements.

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Introduction

Endowed with abundant sunshine, wind and hydropower resources, Africa has significant potential to become the next global hub for solar, wind and green hydrogen investments, offering a path to both energy and economic diversification. In 2015, the 24th Ordinary Assembly of the Heads of State and Government of the African Union adopted Agenda 2063, a transformational plan aimed at tapping this potential and advancing economic, social and environmental development in Africa by 2063. One of the key priority areas of the agenda is to ‘ensure modern, efficient, reliable, cost-effective, renewable and environmentally friendly energy to all African households, businesses, industries and institutions’. Agenda 2063 builds on Goal 7 of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDG 7), which aims to advance clean, stable and affordable energy for all by 2030.

To achieve the objective of delivering reliable, modern energy to the approximately 600 million Africans who still lack access to electricity, several African countries have identified investment in renewable energy infrastructure and technologies as core priorities. Some have already released national visions and strategies to promote investment in renewable energy and clean technologies as pathways to open up other economic sectors. For example, a central aspect of Nigeria’s Energy Transition Plan is to create jobs to ‘lift 100 million Nigerians out of poverty and driv[e] economic growth’. Similarly, economic diversification is a key priority area in South Africa’s Just Energy Transition Investment Plan (JET IP) for 2023-2027, which aims to create ‘quality jobs in new sectors like electric vehicles, green hydrogen, renewable energy and manufacturing’. Similar framing of the green transition as an economic opportunity, and not just a climate imperative, is found in policy visions in Morocco, Ghana, Malawi, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda, some of which have already made progress in promoting homegrown solutions that deliver clean and reliable energy to underserved communities, while unlocking green economic opportunities.

Yet, as shown in the United Nations’ technology needs assessment (TNA) reports, many African countries still lack the homegrown renewable energy technologies needed to accelerate the low-carbon energy transition. Green technologies, such as solar panels, require response and grid control software and smart distributed energy resource management systems (DERMs) that are simply not available on the continent. This forces countries to import technologies they could otherwise manufacture domestically. Nigeria, for example, imported over four million solar panels in 2023 alone, at a cost of more than USD 200 million annually, making solar energy less affordable to businesses and households, especially in poor and underserved communities.

As part of efforts to address these technology gaps, African countries are increasingly entering into new partnerships aimed at attracting green technologies and investments needed to develop and maximise the continent’s renewable energy resources. In addition to a solar partnership agreement with the Netherlands, Nigeria has recently announced a new EUR 7.6 billion green energy agreement with China to develop green hydrogen, a clean energy source produced from renewable electricity. In 2024, Tunisia signed a memorandum of understanding with European conglomerates – TotalEnergies, EREN Groupe and VERBUND – to develop green hydrogen for export to Central Europe. Tunisia has also entered into green hydrogen arrangements with Saudi Arabia and several European countries. Other African countries such as Namibia, South Africa, Egypt and Morocco have announced green technology partnerships focused on leveraging their renewable energy potential to unlock a green and sustainable energy future, while also creating jobs and economic benefits domestically.

Meanwhile, China has invested more than USD 13 billion in clean energy projects across Africa since 2000. Furthermore, France, Germany, the United Kingdom, the United States and the European Union have announced Just Energy Transition Partnerships (JETPs) aimed at mobilising financing and technology assistance for African countries to transition to clean energy. These JETPs have included a USD 8.5 billion pledge for South Africa, USD 2.5 billion for Senegal and proposals to support renewable energy technology development in other African countries such as Senegal, Egypt, the Ivory Coast, Kenya and Morocco.

However, despite the prospects of these emerging green technology partnerships, significant concerns arise regarding their design and implementation. While these partnerships may offer African nations short-term financing and technology access, in the long term, they risk entrenching green colonialism, i.e., the production of clean energy in a manner that exploits Africa’s natural resources, prioritises the needs of other world regions and undermines social, environmental and human rights standards, especially in Indigenous communities.

This paper, therefore, addresses two questions: What are the risks of green colonialism in Africa’s renewable energy partnerships, and what policy safeguards should African countries adopt to address them? To do so, the paper relies primarily on publicly accessible partnership agreements and reports by surveyed African countries (Egypt, Namibia, Nigeria, Tunisia, South Africa, Morocco, Kenya, the Gambia, Tanzania and Zambia) to assess the drivers and implications of green colonialism risks in emerging partnership agreements. Furthermore, the paper adopts an analytical review of the published literature to unpack and analyse emerging policy responses to the risks of green colonialism in these countries. Owing to its scope and the nature of the methodological approach, the paper cannot be regarded as representative. That said, since the survey is combined with the literature review, it provides an analytical profile of and insights into the drivers of green colonialism risks in Africa’s renewable energy partnerships.

The paper proceeds in three sections, Section I being this introduction. Section II unpacks the four key manifestations of green colonialism trends and risks in the design and implementation of green technology partnerships. Section III discusses the need for a holistic reform process that places transparency, accountability, and public participation at the heart of green partnership agreements, from design and approval through to implementation, to achieve just, sustainable, and inclusive outcomes.

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More technology partnerships, less sustainable development? Drivers of green colonialism risks

Although Africa is not a homogeneous geographical unit, the growing demand across the continent for foreign technologies and finance to expand access to clean and reliable energy provokes questions about the potential risks of emerging green technology partnerships. Four key concerns emerge: i) high external debt obligations; ii) export-driven energy production; iii) adverse impacts on water, energy and land resources; and iv) restrictive fiscal and contractual terms.

The first key question is the extent to which green technology partnerships involve new external debt obligations. Without adequate safeguards, emerging green technology agreements risk exacerbating debt levels. Estimates indicate that African governments already spend close to USD 163 billion every year on debt service, with countries such as the Gambia, Egypt, the Ivory Coast and Kenya projected to be at risk of severe debt distress in 2026. Green partnership agreements that involve new loans could significantly increase this risk. Nevertheless, as they grapple with ageing energy infrastructure, rising energy poverty, and limited domestic funding alternatives, African countries are increasingly embracing green technology partnerships, even when these result in new debt obligations. For example, the recent announcement of a USD 5 million loan from the Government of Canada and the International Finance Corporation to finance solar hybrid mini-grids in northern Nigeria has prompted questions regarding its potential to exacerbate Nigeria’s rising debt profile.

At the same time, China’s growing influence in green partnership agreements across Africa is raising concerns about unsustainable debt traps. Such high debt burdens risk re-entrenching the colonial legacy of ‘debt-trap diplomacy’, whereby colonial powers lent excessive amounts of money to African countries and obtained significant leverage over collateralised national infrastructure and political decision-making processes when those nations struggled to repay their debts. Green energy partnerships that cede financial, social or political sovereignty will not only undermine sustainable development but also make it difficult, if not impossible, for African countries to achieve energy security. SDG 17.4 specifically calls on developed countries to ‘assist developing countries in attaining long-term debt sustainability through coordinated policies aimed at fostering debt financing, debt relief and debt restructuring by 2030’. Achieving this target will require new forms of green technology diplomacy and partnerships that do not lead to unsustainable debt accumulation.

The second consideration is the extent to which green technology partnerships boost domestic energy access and technology manufacturing capacity. Green partnership agreements that primarily focus on exporting renewable energy produced in Africa to meet the energy needs of investing countries also risk entrenching green colonialism. Green hydrogen technology investments in Tunisia, Namibia, South Africa, Egypt and Morocco have attracted criticism on this front, despite their economic and financing prospects for delivering low value addition to local communities through enhanced domestic energy access, local content, empowerment and entrepreneurship.

The very premise of developing Africa’s renewable energy resources for export to meet energy needs in China, Europe, and other regions outside Africa introduces a complicated resources-for-money arrangement, whereby Africa’s natural resources are exchanged for financial, technological, security, and other forms of support. Meanwhile, the resources return to African countries as finished technologies or products that Africans themselves cannot afford. Such deals are not new in Africa. In fact, they mirror colonial-era power asymmetries, which saw Africa’s natural resources exported to other regions under often foreign-dictated concessions. For many years, the stranglehold over resource production, with little or no local value addition, by large international oil companies (IOCs) – known as the Seven Sisters, who came mainly from the USA, Canada, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and China – undermined African states’ resource sovereignty, i.e., their ability to make decisions on their own natural resources. The current rush for Africa’s renewable resources risks re-entrenching this legacy and could trigger a new resource curse, this time in renewable energy.1

The third risk associated with trends in green technology partnerships concerns adverse impacts on water, energy, and land rights. This is particularly concerning when land grabbing leads to forced displacement, especially of Indigenous groups. A recent report documents the growing evidence that clean energy projects in Africa, especially hydropower projects, are linked to human rights violations, including land grabs, modern slavery and forced labour. Furthermore, a high incidence of workers’ protests over poor working conditions associated with Chinese investments in Kenya, the Gambia and Zambia are attracting scrutiny of the design of green energy partnerships which lack social and human rights safeguards to ensure rights-based implementation. These developments are in danger of re-entrenching the colonial legacy of state-aided dispossession of African peasants, pastoralists, nomads and Indigenous communities from ancestral lands for foreign capital.

The fourth risk arises when green technology agreements include restrictive clauses and provisions that may constrain a country’s ability to adopt and implement new environmental or human rights regulations. A recent UN report has highlighted how stabilisation provisions in Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) and clean energy agreements, which freeze states’ ability to update existing laws or contracts, may constrain countries’ ability to develop new legislation or regulations. Tanzania, for instance, is currently facing three arbitration proceedings by international companies as a result of new legislation passed in the country to regulate green investments in the mining sector. Eight similar disputes have been filed against the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Rwanda, Burkina Faso, Mozambique and Niger.

The courtroom battles and arbitration proceedings arising from green technology partnerships underscore the need for African countries to carefully ensure that current or new green technology investments do not delay or constrain their ability to regulate such projects in the future. Previous studies have documented how inadequate access to information about green technologies and insufficient legal capacity to negotiate fair and transparent investment agreements often result in a cycle of investment arrangements that exacerbate technology dependence, limit regulatory autonomy and lead to costly disputes and legal liability. Such lopsided agreements risk re-entrenching the colonial legacy of inequitable resource and technology partnerships, from which it may take African countries decades to detach.

The question, therefore, is how to ensure that Africa’s green technology partnerships deliver just and inclusive social, economic and environmental benefits that unlock a sustainable energy future for the continent.

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Placing justice and equity at the heart of Africa’s green technology partnerships

Addressing the risks of green colonialism in Africa’s renewable energy partnerships will require a holistic reform process, one which closes the governance gaps that drive and deepen the vulnerabilities of many African countries to these risks in the first place. The danger is that effective implementation of green partnership agreements will be marred by perennial barriers to good governance, which would otherwise strengthen transparency, accountability and public participation (TAP) in resource development and management.

According to a 2021 resource governance index, virtually all African countries score very low on law and governance structures that promote TAP in the natural resource sector. Many resource-rich African countries have consequently fallen prey to a resource curse, whereby corruption and illicit financial flows not only rob them of the resources needed to implement infrastructure development and renewable energy programmes, but also contribute to the poverty and economic scarcity which drive rising debt levels. For example, despite Nigeria’s dominant position as Africa’s largest oil producer and exporter, many years of corruption and resource mismanagement have left the country with a high debt burden, wealth inequality, technological dependence and growing poverty. According to a 2025 World Bank report, approximately 139 million Nigerians (about 62% of the population) live in poverty.

To prevent such trends, the African Union Panel of the Wise encourages all African countries to ensure that ‘transparency and accountability mechanisms are in place prior to, and during, initiatives to develop and exploit natural resources’. According to the panel, ‘these mechanisms should include full reporting on the revenues collected from natural resource activities and on the allocation of these revenues to programmes, governments and communities’. Addressing the risks of green colonialism will therefore require investments and agreements that place public interest and national sovereignty at the heart of the emerging green technology agenda. At the core of these initiatives will be transparency, accountability and inclusivity, as outlined below.

Transparency requires enhancing the availability, accessibility, and accuracy of information on green partnership arrangements. As noted earlier, some of the concerns associated with emerging green partnership arrangements in the countries surveyed for this paper relate to a lack of publicly accessible information on the potential benefits, costs, health impacts and public benefits of such agreements, especially for local communities. This fuels public concerns and perceptions of colonial-era scenarios of unequal trade relationships. For example, while information on the Canada-European Union Green Alliance is publicly accessible, accessing information on the green finance loan from Canada to Nigeria does not yield any publicly accessible result on government portals. As the African Union Panel of the Wise states, promoting transparency in the context of green partnerships will require African countries to release publicly accessible reports on the nature, scope, elements and financial details of green partnership alliances in a manner that sustains public confidence and trust.

Enhanced accountability, which the AU Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption emphasises as a mechanism to promote good governance, includes establishing processes at the design, approval, and implementation phases to monitor the outcomes of green partnership agreements against their stated objectives. At the design phase, rather than prioritising tax and fiscal incentives to deliver low-cost energy for other regions of the world, the central focus of Africa’s green technology partnerships and investments should be on enhancing domestic energy security, thereby providing a reliable, affordable and accessible clean energy supply to Africa’s energy poor. During the approval phase, technology partnerships should include adequate safeguards to ensure debt sustainability. African countries should develop national strategies and policies that limit the approval of new debt and integrate debt restructuring into new green partnership agreements.

Regarding implementation, one innovative approach to enhancing access to financing for green technologies and projects without incurring additional debt is the use of debt-for-nature swaps. Several African countries, such as the DRC, are already following this path, seemingly inspired by initiatives across the globe. Costa Rica, for instance, has successfully leveraged debt-for-nature swaps to conserve rainforests since the 1980s. More recently, Belize has recorded progress in using debt-for-nature swaps to fund ecological restoration programmes, which have reduced the country’s external debt by 10% of gross domestic product (GDP). Leveraging such innovative financing solutions in Africa’s green technology partnerships could unlock similar financial, environmental and economic co-benefits for the continent. This will enrich the mix of increased green financing, debt forgiveness and other concessional lending initiatives that will help reduce the debt burden in Africa and free up financing for the green transition. This mix should be strategically integrated into African countries’ negotiations of green partnership agreements.

Advancing accountability also includes embedding robust human rights and sustainability measures into green technology agreements in strict adherence to international human rights standards and the United Nations’ guiding principles. This alignment involves conducting thorough human rights and environmental impact assessments across the negotiation, planning, funding and execution stages of green technology investment initiatives, and swiftly addressing any negative impacts or risks that may arise. By embedding human rights safeguards in the approval processes for green technology investment initiatives, African countries, together with local communities and other stakeholders, could better assess the implementation of green partnership agreements to prevent adverse impacts.

There is also a need to enhance public participation in implementing green partnership agreements through active energy citizenship. Excessive dependence on imported green technologies by African countries creates imbalances in power relationships that exacerbate the risks of green colonialism. Previous studies indicate that, due to unclear legal frameworks for green investments, a weak investment climate and a lack of supportive policies for clean technology entrepreneurship, domestic capacity for green technology remains weak across the continent. African countries are simply unable to attract the sustained flow of private sector investments and technologies needed to drive the transition to sustainable economies and societies. The result is a perpetual cycle of dependence on imported technologies.

African countries must therefore prioritise local content initiatives that address the barriers to homegrown clean technology entrepreneurship. A starting point is to undertake comprehensive assessments of the legal and institutional barriers that weaken private-sector participation in green technology development. Supportive commercial and investment laws that simplify the process of business formalisation, registration and participation in transition programmes should be established. In addition to these legal reforms, financial incentives should be provided to encourage entrepreneurs to unlock homegrown green solutions. These can be in the form of direct grants, concessional or low-interest loans, investment tax credits or reversed taxes, or de-risking instruments such as insurance, all of which should be geared towards supporting the upfront capital investment needed to develop clean technology initiatives.2

Finally, addressing the risks of green colonialism in Africa’s renewable energy partnerships will require enhancing the institutional capacity of the agencies and ministries involved in the design and implementation of green technology partnership arrangements. Negotiating win-win agreements will require African countries to invest in training and capacity-development programmes and resources for officers across a wide range of legal domains, including sustainable development, international trade and investment, treaty negotiation, diplomacy, and technology. International development organisations can support this process by making Africa-focused knowledge materials, such as the newly published Sustainable Development Law, more accessible to African policymakers, for example, by supporting their translation into local languages. Higher education institutions and professional societies also have key roles to play in developing tailored courses on green diplomacy, international law and sustainable development. These courses will offer hands-on executive knowledge and skills to African negotiators, deepening their expertise in green technology development and deployment.

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Conclusion

The abundant natural resources of the African continent, coupled with its significant workforce and youth population, make it an attractive hub for new green energy investments and partnerships. However, several barriers risk re-entrenching green colonialism, unsustainable debt accumulation and technology dependence. These include unclear legal frameworks for green investments, weak human rights safeguards, limited capacity for negotiation, and inadequate policies to support local content development and clean technology entrepreneurship.

Africa’s green technology partnerships must ultimately be designed, implemented and led by Africa, with the support of international stakeholders interested in unlocking just, inclusive and sustainable green investment opportunities. Overcoming green colonialism will therefore require strong political will on the part of African countries to implement supportive domestic laws and policies that move the continent beyond being a passive recipient of green technologies and investments towards becoming a co-creator of homegrown green technologies. By establishing rights-based policy measures, African nations can refocus green technology partnerships on domestic value creation and sustainable development priorities. These partnerships can then help diversify their economies and boost reliable, affordable access to modern energy.

Endnotes

[1] The ‘resource curse’ describes the tendency of countries with abundant energy resources to underperform in energy security, economic growth and other development outcomes.

[2] Olawuyi, D. S. (2024, December 30). Private sector investment crucial for just energy transition in Africa. Hamad Bin Khalifa University.https://www.hbku.edu.qa/en/news/private-sector-investment-in-africa

About the Author
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Professor Damilola S. Olawuyi

Professor Damilola S Olawuyi SAN is an international lawyer, professor, and policy adviser specialising in business and human rights, energy, natural resources, and environmental law.

Despite Hurdles, Don’t Give Up on Sustainable Development Goals

Despite Hurdles, Don’t Give Up on Sustainable Development Goals

View of modern residential buildings surrounded by lush greenery. by Mahmoud Zakariya via Pexels

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Despite hurdles, don’t give up on Sustainable Development Goals, UN urges

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A smiling Cambodian couple standing in front of a newly installed solar panel system in their rural village, representing UNDP's work on renewable energy access and poverty eradication.

© UNDP A couple in Cambodia stands by a newly installed solar power panel.

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 SDGs

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In a world of “parallel realities” where stark inequalities seemingly divide people and challenge the promise of multilateralism, the vision of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) is to bring people together and help them achieve a better reality.

President of key UN body ECOSOC, Lok Bahadur Thapa, reminded the international community on Monday that no country can achieve sustainable development on its own, and that political will and momentum is necessary to achieve the SDGs by 2030.

UN Secretary-General Lok Bahadur Thapa speaks at a podium during the High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development.
UN Photo/Eskinder Debebe Lok Bahadur Thapa, President of the UN Economic and Social Council, addresses the Ministerial Segment of the High-Level Political Forum on sustainable development.

“Let us be judged by results,” Mr. Thapa said.

The speech marked the beginning of the top ministerial level meeting of the High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development (HLPF), the UN’s annual forum to assess progress on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) which is convened by ECOSOC – the UN Economic and Social Council.

The High-Level Segment will conclude on Thursday with a negotiated declaration between government ministers and heads of State on concrete actions Member States will take to advance progress on the 17 Goals.

The latest draft of the 2026 ministerial declaration includes commitments to increase investment in the SDGs and develop international rules for transformative technologies such as artificial intelligence.

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By the end of the HLPF, 36 countries will have presented so-called Voluntary National Reviews (VNRs) on their progress in achieving the SDGs and shared best practices with other Member States.

As the HLPF kicked off last Tuesday in New York, the UN simultaneously released its annual SDG Progress Report, finding that coordinated action on the goals has succeeded but governments must urgently accelerate action if they are to be met by their 2030 deadline.

Goals need financing

Opening Monday’s session, Mr. Thapa, UN Secretary-General António Guterres and General Assembly President Annalena Baerbock, admitted that the SDGs were not on track.

At the same time, they emphasized that the UN and its Member States know what works to create sustainable development, but that financing remains the biggest obstacle to quick and effective action.

In fact, the principal finding of the SDG Progress Report – that only 36 per cent of SDG indicators with trend data are on track or making moderate progress – reflects a lack of effective financing rather than a lack of goodwill, according to Mr. Guterres.

He noted that developing countries pay borrowing costs several times higher than rich countries, and that many spend more on debt service than national services, making them ill-equipped to implement the SDGs without assistance.

“We need to increase the voice and participation of developing countries, reforming the global financial architecture to ensure those countries receive the support they need,” Mr. Guterres said.

To increase SDG financing, Mr. Guterres stressed the need for reforms to the multilateral development banks to unlock private investment and ensure equitable access for developing countries.

UN Secretary-General António Guterres speaks at a podium during the High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development at the UN Headquarters in New York.
UN Photo/Eskinder Debebe Secretary-General António Guterres delivers remarks at the opening of the Ministerial Segment of the High-Level Political Forum on sustainable development.

Jaewon Choi, leader of the DMUN Foundation, a youth-led, non-governmental organisation that empowers young people to engage in multilateral processes, also weighed in, demanding that young people be included in initiatives to achieve the Goals.

“A revitalized UN must integrate meaningful youth engagement,” Mr. Choi told ministers.

Promise of multilateralism

The speakers urged Member States to prioritise SDG financing, debt relief, civil society partnerships and concrete collective action as they negotiate.

Mr. Guterres highlighted the Pact for the Future, Sevilla Commitment, Doha Political Declaration, High Seas Treaty and Antigua and Barbuda Agenda for Small Island Development as evidence that multilateralism can still deliver.

“Development requires all hands on deck – businesses, development banks, innovators, civil society, community leaders and young people,” Mr. Guterres said.

General Assembly President Annalena Baerbock speaks at the High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development.
UN Photo/Eskinder Debebe General Assembly President Annalena Baerbock addresses the Ministerial Segment of the High-Level Political Forum on sustainable development.

The very first words of Ms. Baerbock’s address to ECOSOC – “We are not on track” – set the stage for the UN’s call to Member States at the HLPF: despite immense challenges, giving up on achieving the SDGs by 2030 is not an option.

On target

As a noted football fan, Ms. Baerbock ended her speech with a timely comparison between the SDGs and this year’s gripping football World Cup competition.

“It has told us very clearly one thing: to never give up at minute 80,” Ms. Baerbock said. “One goal at the right moment can change everything. And 17 goals at the same moment can change the world. It is up to us to play the last four years together.”

 

How Ancient Geographers and Modern Researchers See Odysseus

How Ancient Geographers and Modern Researchers See Odysseus

Famous remains of old historic stones with ruined columns located on the street against a cloudless sky located in Tunisia by Son Tung Tran via Pexels

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Can we map The Odyssey? How ancient geographers and modern researchers have traced Odysseus’s travels

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Pragya Agarwal, Loughborough University

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Homer’s Odyssey is a quest, following King Odysseus’s ten-year journey back home to Ithaca after the Trojan war. It is a tale with distinct geographic, spatial and temporal dimensions. It is no wonder that for centuries, people have been intrigued by the places mentioned in the Odyssey, wondering how many of them were real.

A few historians and classical scholars argue that the Odyssey is only poetry. As a work of art and pure mythology, they claim, there is no point looking for these places on a map.

The ancient Greek polymath Eratosthenes, who was the first person to measure the circumference of the Earth, disputed that the Odyssey had anything to do with geography. He said: “You will find the scene of the wanderings of Odysseus when you find the cobbler who sewed up the bag of the winds.”

I have researched the history of cartography and mental mapping for more than two decades. To me, the geographical elements of this story are what grounds it. Odysseus’s desire to find a way home lies at the very heart of the poem. And Odysseus changes as he moves across these various places and spaces.

Mapping the myth

The ancient Greek historian Polybius, who came 600 years after Homer, believed The Odyssey was a real story with some myths, rather than the reverse. He insisted that some of the fishing practices near Scylla, for example, were similar to those in the islands of Sicily, so Scylla must be located off the coast of Sicily.

Strabo was a Greek philosopher and geographer writing almost seven centuries after Homer. His 17-volume Geographica is a comprehensive atlas and encyclopaedia of Greek life during Emperor Augustus. It also tells the story of islands of men and women in the Indian Ocean, just as Homer depicts in The Odyssey:

In the ocean, there is a small island, not very far out to sea, situated off the outlet of the Liger River; and the island is inhabited by women of the Samnitae, and they are possessed by Dionysus and make this god propitious by appeasing him.

Legends and myths from the time talk about women who seduced men and led them into danger. They were women such as Homer’s Circe, who he describes as “a dreadful goddess with lovely hair”. She lives alone on the island of Aeae with her docile wolves and lions, and lures Odysseus and his men to her to turn them into pigs.

Homer also writes of Calypso, who keeps Odysseus in “sexual captivity” on her island of Ogygia for seven years. Alternatively, this is where Odysseus remained voluntarily until he decided that he had had enough, depending on the translation.

In the maps and globes of the ancient world, myths and the real world overlap and intersect. The Roman mathematician and astronomer
Ptolemy, who mapped the known world in 150BC, showed many of these Homeric places in his maps, such as the Lotophagitis (the land of the Lotus-eaters), Circaeum Promontorium (Aeaea, Circe’s kingdom) and Sirenusae Insulae (the island of the sirens).

 Victor Bérard in black and white photograph Ptolemy's map of the known world.
The Cosmographia Germanus, a 15th-century recreation of Ptolemy’s map of the known world. Cartanciennes

Attempts to transpose these locations accurately to modern maps have been difficult. Ptolemy’s calculations of latitudes and longitudes were based on a vastly different projection and understanding of the Earth’s circumference. An approximate matching of the locations to modern maps hints at Lotophagitis being located in Africa.

In the late-16th century, Dutch mapmaker Abraham Ortelius mapped Odysseus’s journey for the first time in its entirety in his Theatrum Orbis Terrarum. It was called the Map of the Wanderings of Ulysses, Ulysses being the Latin name for Odysseus.

Ortelius represents both the mythical and fictional worlds of Odysseus as scientific facts, and claims that Ithaca is modern Corfu. Homer had placed Calypso’s island off the coast of Scheria, a mythical haven and the final stop for Odysseus before returning to Ithaca.

There was no island west of Corfu, so Ortelius created a fictional island on his map. This became the basis for future maps, and so the imaginary island kept appearing through the 19th and 20th centuries.

How Ancient Geographers and Modern Researchers See Odysseus

Victor Bérard in black and white photograph in 1915. WikiCommons

In 1912, Victor Bérard, a French politician and traveller, tried to retrace Odysseus’s journey by travelling the same route. He placed Calypso’s island near Gibraltar, and the land of the Lotus-Eaters as Djerba off southern Tunisia. He placed the land of the Cyclopes at Posillipo in Naples.

Bérard’s theory was that Homer’s Odyssey was influenced by Phoenicians’ travels and maps – coastal sailing directions that used the stars as guides. But many of these maps lived in people’s imaginations and stories, rather than as real objects.

In search of Ithaca

One of the most significant debates in unravelling the geography of The Odyssey has been to pinpoint where Ithaca really was.

For a long time, scholars have argued that it must be the island of Ithaki in the Ionian sea. The problem is that Ithaki is mountainous, while Homer’s Ithaca is “low-lying”.

Researchers from Cambridge and Aberdeen have recently proposed that Ithaca was never described as an island in Homer’s description. Instead, they suggest he describes it as land or country that is part of a bigger island.

This would suggest that Paliki, lying on the western coast of Kefalonia, is a better candidate. Geo-scientific investigations and archaeological excavations have uncovered that Paliki was a significant bronze age site, and hence a plausible location.

The locations from Odysseus’s journey might map on to real-world locations, or they might be purely myth. Either way, the inter-relationship of these locations tell us a story of a yearning for home and search for belonging. It also throws light on how the ancient writers saw our world as filled with mystery and dangers.

The geography of The Odyssey is a lens through which to understand the vulnerabilities and fears of men in the ancient Greek world. Maps of Odysseus’s journey might not be real, but then all maps lie.

Maps are only a story we tell ourselves – a journey into the unknown, far beyond the boundaries of our imagination. In The Odyssey, Homer was not only mapping the world, but building a world.

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Pragya Agarwal, Visiting Professor of Social Inequities and Injustice, Loughborough University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.