Over recent months, the straits of Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb have become synonymous with geopolitical jostling. Whoever controls these narrow waterways governs the flow of maritime traffic from the Arabian Sea and the Red Sea to the Indian Ocean – and with it, a vitally significant chunk of global trade.
However, conflict over these straits is almost as old as modern maritime trade itself. The war between the US and Iran over these chokepoints is just the latest chapter in a centuries-long history of extra-regional powers attempting to influence or dominate the Middle East by sea.
Ming China offers one of the earliest examples of an extra-regional power projecting its power through naval might and diplomacy. In 1405, the Chinese Muslim admiral, explorer and diplomat Zheng He embarked on the first of seven expeditions across the Indian Ocean. Commanding fleets of more than 300 vessels, he reached the town of Hormuz around 1414, then Aden in Yemen, passing through Bab el-Mandeb into the Red Sea.
This Pax Sinica did not control the straits. Instead, it established a strong trading presence based on displays of naval power, diplomatic missions, and lucrative gift exchanges. Unlike later colonial powers, Zheng He did not establish colonies at Hormuz or along the Arabian coast. Instead, he entered the existing trading system established by the region’s Arab, Persian, Indian, and East African merchants.
The voyages also demonstrate the limits of overextended maritime power. After Zheng He’s final expedition in the 1430s, shifting priorities in the Ming dynasty brought the voyages to an end. The state was unwilling to invest in its navy and its upkeep.
Today, China invokes Zheng He’s voyages to bestow historical legitimacy upon Chinese-Middle Eastern relations. Beijing presents its modern investments in infrastructure, energy, and ports, such as Gwadar in Pakistan, as the revival of an ancient and peaceful relationship that stretches back to the pre-modern Silk Road.
Back in the 1500s, however, the rise in global shipping traffic and the arrival of Europe’s colonial powers would soon mark a shift towards more violent, aggressive efforts to control the straits.
Portugal’s naval dominance
The Portuguese were naval innovators, introducing a more coercive form of maritime power employing heavy cannons on ocean-going ships. In 1513, Afonso de Albuquerque attacked Aden in an attempt to control access to the Red Sea. He failed to capture the fortified mainland city, which was surrounded by steep mountainous terrain.
As the US has learned centuries later, naval superiority did not translate into immediate victory on land. Portuguese warships could destroy vessels and bombard a harbour, but commanding the waters outside a port was not the same as controlling the land behind it.
However, in 1515, Albuquerque managed to seize the town of Hormuz, where he imposed the cartaz, a paid permit for merchants to sail through the gulf and Indian Ocean. This regulation of trade is, in essence, what Iran’s toll is attempting to do in the present.
This “Pax Lusitana” was more violent than its Chinese predecessor, and in 1622, forces from the Iranian Safavid dynasty and English East India Company vessels joined forces to expel the Portuguese from Hormuz and open up trade.
British and Dutch takeover
With Portugal ousted, Ottoman, Safavid, Omani, Dutch and English forces vied for control. The system was dominated by powerful European ships, and by local rulers who controlled both the ports and the goods that flowed through them.
The Dutch East India Company entered these waters in 1614. Supported by heavily armed ships, it established itself at the port of Mokha, in Yemen.
While the British were famous for the tea trade, the Dutch came to dominate coffee. Previously the domain of traders based in Mokha, the Dutch broke Yemen’s monopoly over the coffee trade by smuggling Arabica coffee plants to the Indonesian island of Java, where they were cultivated on a massive scale.
The Dutch thus demonstrated that the balance of maritime power could shift through control of production and trade, rather than through cannons and coercion.
However, once the British captured Aden in 1839 they gained the upper hand. They signed agreements with neighbouring rulers and tribes in South Yemen that gave them de facto control over Bal al-Mandab at the dawn of the industrial era.
Aden soon became a naval coaling station and communications centre, connected to India by telegraph cables. When the Suez Canal opened in 1869, the British also dominated this chokepoint, as the Red Sea offered the shortest maritime route to its crown colony in India.
British hegemony soon came to rely on steam-powered warships and ports, as well as loans and treaties. Much of this was sustained by local proxies along the coast, stretching from Aden to Kuwait.
Lessons for the US today
After the second world war, the balance of power shifted once again. The US replaced the UK with bases, carrier groups, and arms sales in exchange for Gulf oil. In 1980, US President Jimmy Carter declared that any Soviet attempt to control the Gulf would be treated as an attack on American interests and resisted by military force.
Track forward 45 years, and Trump has effectively (though perhaps inadvertently) dismantled the Carter Doctrine. While US naval vessels are now in the strait of Hormuz to protect freedom of navigation, it was Trump’s February 2026 war that endangered shipping in the first place, as it prompted Iran to disrupt Gulf trade in retaliation.
The historical lesson is that, while extra-regional maritime hegemony is possible, it is temporary and ephemeral, as fleeting like the waves that carry it. China abandoned its fleets, Portugal lost Hormuz, the Dutch focused on Java, and Britain left Aden. Dominance shifted when hegemonic powers became overextended, technologies changed, and local alliances realigned.
Iran and the Houthis, who have recently seized Mokha, do not require carrier fleets. Instead, their missiles, mines and drones weaponise the cost of maritime insurance. For all its naval might, the US cannot eliminate the local agency of societies surrounding Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb. Every empire before it has discovered that controlling a chokepoint does not translate into control of the political world and will that surrounds it.
Research integrity (RI) guidelines around the world increasingly recognise fairness, diversity, equity and inclusion.
But a new analysis suggests that fairness is still understood predominantly in procedural terms – for example, through fair authorship, peer review and misconduct procedures – while the structural inequalities that shape who conducts research, whose knowledge is recognised and who sets the rules are usually neglected.
This neglect risks reproducing colonial hierarchies and reinforcing the marginalisation of Indigenous and Global South actors and epistemic and ethical frameworks, the study argues.
Therefore, there is a need for the integration of non-Eurocentric, Indigenous knowledge and ethical frameworks in RI guiding documents for researchers.
These were the conclusions of the study, “Fairness in Research Integrity Guidelines Across the World: A Critical Discourse Analysis”, which was published in the Journal of Academic Ethics on 2 September.
The conclusions were drawn after analysing 66 national and international guidelines and codes of conduct for RI originated from 39 countries in Europe, Africa, South America, North America, Asia and Oceania.
“The topic of ‘research fairness’ is receiving growing attention in Research Integrity (RI) initiatives, with increasing acknowledgement of the relationship between RI and fairness concerns such as diversity equity and inclusion (DEI) and responsible collaborations,” the study says.
“However, initiatives usually neglect addressing structural injustices and their relationship to RI. Furthermore, RI standards are mostly set in economically powerful countries but are applied globally, posing a risk of ethical imperialism and reinforcing existing colonial hierarchies.”
The study analysed three aspects of ‘fairness’: Addressing injustices, attention to colonial hierarchies and DEI.
The authors – Clàudia Pallisé Perelló, María de los Ángeles Crespo López, Natalie Evans, Johannes Ket, Mariëtte van den Hoven and Krishma Labib at Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam in the Netherlands – say their study provides the “first systematic scoping review” of RI documents critically assessing the treatment of fairness.
“Moreover, it is also the first one that takes an explicit anticolonial and systemic justice perspective, putting structural inequalities in the centre of the analysis.”
Maura Hiney, an adjunct professor of Research Integrity at University College Dublin’s Institute for Discovery in Ireland, told University World News that the study is “very timely and will be an important consideration for the revision of the All European Academies (ALLEA) European Code of Conduct for Research Integrity and the ongoing development of an African Code of Conduct for Research Integrity and AI”.
“While the necessarily high level of such frameworks precludes detailed elaboration of the concepts explored in the paper, they can nonetheless seek to clarify their importance for research integrity in more meaningful ways,” added Hiney, who served as chair and co-authored the ALLEA European Code of Conduct for Research Integrity (2017 and 2023).
Zeenath Reza Khan, founding president for the Centre for Academic Integrity at the University of Wollongong in Dubai, United Arab Emirates and Audit Group member for the European Network for Academic Integrity, told University World News that it was a “valuable and timely study” that offered an important opportunity for the research integrity community to “reflect on whether our existing frameworks adequately represent the diverse environments in which research is conducted”.
However, the research findings also raise questions about how research systems maintain common expectations for reliability, transparency and accountability while allowing legitimate contextual, Indigenous and epistemic diversity.
Lokman Meho, Professor and University Librarian at American University of Beirut in Lebanon and the developer of the Research Integrity Risk Index (RI²), told University World News that greater fairness in funding, collaboration, authorship, and participation should help create better research but not become a separate goal that competes with research quality and integrity.
Scant mention of injstices
The study found that RI documents originated mostly from European countries, with limited representation from elsewhere – of the 39 national documents, 24 came from European countries, with the rest originating from Africa (2), South America (1), North America (1), Asia (9) and Oceania (2).
The majority of the included documents referred to fairness only as “procedural”, covering issues such as fair authorship, peer review, and misconduct investigations.
A large number of guidance documents addressed diversity equity and inclusion (DEI) principles with at least one of these words being mentioned in just under half of the documents, but their uses vary significantly in terms of depth and meaning, the study found.
More than half of the documents either do not mention DEI or approach these in a more symbolic or superficial way, reflecting a more tokenistic or performative vision, the study said.
In these cases, the word “diversity” often appears without further elaboration, concrete actions, or clear links to research practices.
In general, the study found few documents explicitly mentioned issues of injustice, such as knowledge and material extractivism, epistemic injustice, and socioeconomic inequities.
It noted that Global North documents often fail to acknowledge in a meaningful way three forms of systemic injustice – injustices related to colonial history, socioeconomic injustices and injustices affecting the environment.
None of the documents explicitly mention ‘colonialism’. A small number discuss inequities in knowledge production in different countries, although they do not refer to these as colonial legacies or realities.
Only a minority of the documents acknowledge the validity of diverse epistemic values and systems, with most instead promoting Global North knowledge systems.
In general, many of the documents frame ‘objectivity’ as the approach of scientific research, but the study authors argue that this implicitly excludes diverse epistemic values.
The few codes of conduct that explicitly confronted colonial hierarchies came from colonised nations.
The study found some documents acknowledged diverse knowledge systems and ethical frameworks, but even these documents often reflected assumptions of colonial hierarchies in their language. For instance, they portrayed Indigenous and marginalised groups as “passive” agents and receivers of research rather than as “active” groups capable of conducting research.
Overall, the study unveiled that most European RI frameworks tended to frame fairness without taking into account structural injustices, colonial hierarchies and DEI systematically, reinforcing watered-down, “procedural” rather than “structural” visions of fairness.
“While most dominant RI initiatives can be considered Eurocentric, they have global influence, for instance via funding frameworks, publishing ethics, and data management requirements.
“Therefore, they might be considered a form of ‘ethical imperialism’, in which Eurocentric understandings of RI and responsible conduct of research are imposed across the world,” the study argues.
Speaking to University World News, lead author Perelló said the study found that the predominant standards that define “ethical” and “good” research, or define which issues are considered Responsible Conduct of Research (RCR) or RI concerns, are mostly coming from Western contexts that “frequently fail to consider or include local frameworks, epistemic traditions, or histories of injustice and their associated concerns”.
She added that “deeper questions of structural injustice and equity in science are rarely addressed”.
Key messages for policy makers
Perelló said RI guidelines should acknowledge both the structural conditions in which research is conducted and ethical and epistemic plurality.
“This involves, on the one hand, recognising that universal and culturally neutral ethical frameworks do not exist, and, on the other hand, legitimising the existence of diverse epistemic traditions.”
She said there are good existing examples, such as the “Te Ara Tika Guidelines for Mori research ethics: A framework for researchers and ethics committee members or the San Code on Research Ethics”, which show that it is possible to “explicitly integrate non-Eurocentric, Indigenous knowledge and ethical frameworks in RI guiding documents for researchers in a situated way”.
Impact of funding inequality
Khan said the study “reminds us that fairness in research integrity cannot be understood only through procedures such as authorship, peer review or misconduct processes.
“As research becomes increasingly global and collaborative, our integrity frameworks also need to remain attentive to context, inclusion and different knowledge traditions,” she said.
Meho said the study shows that research integrity is not only about whether individual researchers follow rules and procedures.
“It is also shaped by the conditions in which researchers work, such as unequal access to funding and research resources, unequal power in international collaborations, and differences in who sets research standards and whose knowledge is recognised,” he said.
Call to widen perspectives
He argues that standards intended to apply internationally should not be developed mainly from the perspective of a small number of countries.
“Researchers from different countries and research systems, especially those currently under-represented, should have a meaningful role in deciding what constitutes responsible research,” Meho suggested.
Independent Research Ethics and Integrity Consultant, Dr Lyn Horn, former director of the Office of Research Integrity at the University of Cape Town, South Africa, told University World News she is grateful that scholars are taking this conversation forward.
“One of the biggest challenges for researchers in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), especially in Africa, is that a huge amount of research funding comes from the Global North, and they dictate leadership requirements and project management aspects, not without reason, as they need to ensure that the high-income country (HIC) taxpayer money produces the intended outcomes,” said Horn, who is the lead author for “The Cape Town Statement on fairness, equity and diversity in research” made in 2023.
“One structural change that I believe would shift the balance would be for LMIC governments to provide a lot more funding for good-quality research directly and for HIC funders to provide a percentage of co-funding but enable projects to be LMIC-led and managed, providing support rather than dictating all administrative aspects, which is currently usually the case,” she added.
“This would advance LMIC research management systems, including ethics and integrity monitoring, at both institutional and national levels,” Horn said.
Across the MENA region, Arabic remains strongly present in the daily lives of youth and an integral part of their identity. However, according to research from Strategy& and Ipsos many young people see English as essential to building their future, highlighting a gap between Arabic’s cultural importance and its practical role in work.
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Unveiled at the 2026 Congress of Arabic & Creative Industries this week, the report finds that Arabic dominates at home for MENA youth, but the balance shifts where they study and work: 91% use Arabic at home, falling to 64% at work, university or school and 60% in online learning, as English rises from 7% to 33% and 36% respectively.
At the same time, 77% say English is essential to achieving their goals. The report draws on the views of more than 4,000 people aged 18–25 across 10 MENA countries.
The authors highlight that the current generation is not turning away from Arabic. Almost three-quarters, 74%, want Arabic to evolve to better reflect how they learn, create and work, while 76% say the language connects them to their roots. Instead, they point to a challenge of utility: ensuring Arabic remains relevant not only to young people’s identity, but to their ambitions and opportunities.
“Young people are not turning away from Arabic; rather, they aspire for its tools and its presence to keep pace with the rhythm of their lives, and for Arabic to be present in every field in which they learn, work, create and shape their future,” said Ali Bin Tamim, Chairman of the Abu Dhabi Arabic Language Centre.
“It is our responsibility to ensure that this deep connection with the Arabic language is matched by opportunity, by strengthening its presence in education, technology, knowledge production and the creative industries. Arabic has always been a language of knowledge and creativity, and by listening to this generation and responding to its aspirations, we can ensure that Arabic continues to have a meaningful place in their future, while empowering them to contribute to shaping it with confidence.”
AI a priority area for Arabic
Half of young people surveyed identify technology and AI as the leading priority for greater investment in Arabic, ahead of schools and universities at 42%, government and public services at 39%, and media and entertainment at 32%.
The report also points to gaps in Arabic-language AI, noting that many large language models underperform in non-English and low-resource language contexts and are often insufficiently attuned to cultural context. It calls for shared Arabic language technology infrastructure, including high-quality datasets, language models, speech-recognition tools, and translation resources that can be used across sectors and dialects.
An ambitious generation
Youths in the MENA region are ambitious about their future while remaining strongly connected to their heritage. Some 81% believe they have the power to shape their own future, while 77% say balancing tradition and modernity is important in their career choices.
That ambition sits alongside a strong attachment to Arabic and concern about its future. More than three-quarters, 76%, say Arabic connects them to their roots, while 70% are concerned about losing traditions and values and 66% about the declining use of Arabic.
Young people also want the language they value culturally to feel contemporary. While 77% feel proud when they see Arabic used in modern contexts, 67% say the Arabic content they find feels dated compared with English.
“Young people across the region are ambitious about their future without wanting to leave their heritage behind. Arabic remains an important part of who they are,” said Nay Abi Ramia, Partner at Strategy&. “The opportunity now is to ensure the language has a meaningful place in the technologies they use, the content they consume and create, and the education and career pathways they pursue.”
Ali Bin Tamim and Nay Abi Ramia
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Five recommendations
To make Arabic more usable in the environments shaping young people’s futures, the report sets out five actions: connecting Arabic education to real-world applications and professional use; building shared Arabic language technology; turning Arabic digital standards into measurable user outcomes; helping build modern Arabic content ecosystems and sustainable creative career pathways; and assigning clear ownership, measuring outcomes, and scaling what works.
In education, the report recommends giving learners more opportunities to use Arabic in areas such as AI, STEM, entrepreneurship, media production, and the workplace. In technology, it calls for shared infrastructure, including high-quality datasets, language models, speech-recognition tools and translation resources that can improve the quality and accessibility of Arabic-language digital tools across sectors and dialects.
Importantly, greater investment alone will not close the gap. Initiatives should be measured against whether they lead to greater use of Arabic and better experiences for Arabic users, allowing successful approaches to be identified and scaled. “This means setting clear measures from the outset, identifying what works, and scaling the initiatives that demonstrate meaningful impact,” said Abi Ramia.
The MENA region is a battleground for information warfare. Independent media struggle against well-funded, state-backed digital platforms that use visual formats to spread partisan agendas and coordinated disinformation.
The media and information landscape across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) has undergone a profound transformation in recent years. It shifted from building stronger media ecosystems to responding to the realities of war and information warfare.
This is one of the key findings of the State of Media Development in the MENA Region report which draws on interviews with 10 leading media development organizations from across the region.
Over the past year, active conflicts in Gaza, Sudan, Yemen, Lebanon and parts of Syria, along with the regional spillover of tensions between Iran, the United States and Israel, have reinforced the perception of MENA as one of the world’s most volatile regions. While North African countries have largely been spared from armed conflict, they are experiencing growing authoritarianism and increasing restrictions on media freedom. According to Reporters Without Borders, nearly every country in the region continues to experience democratic backsliding, with Syria standing out as a rare exception where the recent political transition has created cautious optimism for a freer media environment.
The conflicts unfolding on the ground are mirrored online. “Everybody in the media speaks about Russian initiatives to influence elections in Germany or France. But our region is the Wild West. This is where state actors and non-state actors alike are involved at levels that defy logic,” said Ayman Mhanna, executive director of the Samir Kassir Foundation in Lebanon. These actors invest heavily in sophisticated digital influence campaigns, often specifically designed to capture younger audiences on social media, which mimic journalism while advancing political agendas. The rapid spread of Artificial Intelligence (AI) has made producing convincing fake content easier than ever.
Funding shortages and changing needs
Media development organizations have struggled to keep pace with these rapid transformations. At the same time, the sector itself has come under growing pressure from authoritarian governments and shrinking international funding.
The abrupt suspension of USAID funding in early 2025 sent shockwaves through the ecosystem. Arab Reporters for Investigative Journalism (ARIJ) (Jordan/regional) reported losing “25% of our budget overnight,” while Beam Reports (Sudan) was forced to halt projects mid-implementation after receiving closeout notices immediately following the change in the US administration.
European donors remain the region’s primary source of financial support, but they have been unable to fill the gap, because of shrinking aid budgets, the reallocation of resources toward Ukraine, political sensitivities surrounding the war in Gaza, and growing domestic security priorities within Europe.
Beyond funding shortages, many organizations argue that donor approaches have not adapted to the realities of working in conflict zones. Journalists increasingly need protective equipment, internet access, emergency shelter and rapid logistical support, yet donors “were not able to move with agility,” said Raghdan Orsud of Beam Reports (Sudan), because of rigid administrative procedures.
“But if you work in fragile contexts, you must have procedures in place,” she added.
Fighting for a seat at the table
Local organizations are working to make the media development sector more relevant to today’s realities.
They are actively advocating and pushing to be involved in the design of the projects, and not just their implementation. “Sometimes donors have their own agendas that they want to implement in local contexts because they think this is the way things should be. They don’t really take into consideration the local values, the local needs, the local culture and mindset that we are part of as local organizations,” explained Vanessa Bassil of Media Association for Peace.
Hania Bitar of Pyalara (Palestine) also pointed to the fact that organizations that have mastered donor language and reporting requirements are often better positioned to win grants, while smaller grassroots organizations struggle to survive.
Still, interviewees see signs of progress. Pyalara cites DW Akademie’s support for its “Digital Village” in Palestine as an example of a donor funding a locally designed solution rather than imposing an external model.
On the other hand, local organizations are also pushing for a better seat at international decision-making tables. Layal Bahnam of Maharat Foundation (Lebanon) explained that producing policy papers and research has been essential to have them serve on the boards and steering committees of organizations such as IFEX, the Global Forum for Media Development (GFMD), and the Forum for Information and Democracy. In 2025, ARIJ’s Rawan Damen was elected chair of GFMD.
Despite these advances, many organizations still feel their participation remains superficial.
According to Orsud, local organizations are frequently invited to surveys, webinars and consultations, yet their contributions are often treated merely as “feedback” or “local input” rather than as the perspectives of equal stakeholders shaping decisions. Practical barriers such as expensive travel and lengthy visa procedures also prevent many organizations from participating in international forums.
Adapting to the new realities
Faced with these challenges, media organizations across MENA are reinventing themselves.
One major shift has been expanding audiences beyond traditional journalists. Many organizations now train content creators, influencers and community leaders, recognizing that they have become central actors in shaping public opinion, even though “European-supported institutions focus only on traditional media,” said Abu Bakr Ibrahim Oglo, CEO and co-founder of MENA Editors.
AI has become another area of experimentation. Organizations such as Munathara (Tunisia/regional) are exploring AI-powered fact-checking, multilingual translation and tools that encourage healthier online conversations. Others are investing in staff training, internal AI strategies and ethical guidelines before rolling these practices out to journalists.
Yet, as Yara Bader of the Syrian Center for Media and Freedom of Expression points out, there is a certain irony in teaching journalists advanced AI verification tools when many cannot access a stable internet connection, especially in conflict-affected countries such as Yemen, Syria, Sudan and in Palestine.
And finally, to reduce their dependence on international aid, many organizations are experimenting with new business models, developing commercial services that subsidize their public-interest work. The Samir Kassir Foundation has launched an advertising agency that helps independent media secure branded content, alongside a stock photography marketplace for local photographers. Beam Reports is building data analysis and media monitoring services for embassies, international organizations and businesses. In Yemen, Media SAC rents out co-working space and plans to develop a multimedia studio that can generate additional income.
As Carsten von Nahmen, managing director of DW Akademie, put it: “Never waste a good crisis.”
Organizations in the media development sector in MENA are rethinking how they operate, finance themselves and support journalists working amidst conflicts. The coming years will determine whether this period of disruption can become an opportunity to build a locally driven media ecosystem capable of responding to the challenges of an increasingly authoritarian world and a region shaped by conflict.
MJ Daoud Image: Media Lab Cindy Ngo
MJ Daoud is the editor-in-chief of The What If. She is a Beirut-based editor, journalist and trainer with over 17 years of experience covering business, social conflicts and entrepreneurship in the Middle East. She is passionate about solution-based and constructive journalism. At The What If, she draws on her experience reporting from conflict zones to explore how narratives shape conflict, and what can be done to transform them.
Effective resource planning and mobilization are crucial for ensuring that development benefits reach every part of the country. The census plays a vital role in maximising resource use to help every household, including those in remote areas, while considering diverse age groups, genders, education levels, and skills. As one of the greatest administrative efforts globally, the Indian population census collects and analyses demographic, social, and economic data of all genuine citizens within a specific period.
The census, conducted under the provisions of The Census Act, 1948, and carried out by the Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, Ministry of Home Affairs, plays a crucial role in shaping political representation, as it determines the distribution of power in the country’s governance system. Regions receive representation in the state and national legislatures based on population size.
Census data is essential for pinpointing families affected by displacement, ensuring that disadvantaged groups such as the poor, elderly, ill, and marginalized communities are not excluded. Household data—covering income, livelihood sources, family size, and housing—helps officials verify and accurately prepare beneficiary lists before distributing compensation and welfare schemes, thus reducing fraud. Remote villages gain inclusion in the census database, allowing the government to better plan and oversee the development of schools, roads, healthcare, and other infrastructure, while also safeguarding welfare benefits from abuse.
By supporting livelihood mapping, the census helps the government, development agencies, and planning bodies quantify the youth population, their educational levels, and skills. This information is vital for developing appropriate future employment strategies. Census data further assists in evaluating educational proficiency, literacy rates, and the number of dropouts in specific areas, enabling targeted interventions in regions with low educational achievement. It also reveals opportunities for vocational training, offering dropouts and underqualified youth skills such as carpentry, tailoring, or plumbing. Additionally, census insights guide decisions on establishing technical institutes like ITIs, polytechnics, and nursing colleges. It also facilitates assessing the potential for incubation parks, where support services, business education, and programs on financial literacy and digital marketing can empower educated youths to become self-employed rather than seek jobs elsewhere.
Large projects such as the Siang Upper Multipurpose Project (SUMP) often require long-term rehabilitation efforts to support the affected communities, in addition to financial compensation for land and livelihood losses. In this regard, socio-economic and village census data enable policymakers to better assess household economic conditions and access to education, markets, and transportation—especially critical in Arunachal Pradesh’s remote mountainous areas. Mapping villages and their population distribution helps government agencies plan infrastructure development, such as roads and connectivity projects, promoting overall growth by improving mobility and access to education, healthcare, and jobs. Health data guide the establishment of healthcare facilities such as PHCs, maternity services, and emergency services. Information on household size, income, and other factors helps develop housing solutions suited to local environmental conditions.
In a culturally rich state like Arunachal Pradesh, major projects such as the Siang Upper Multipurpose Project (SUMP) should aim to safeguard indigenous and tribal identities while fostering modernization. It is well known that all indigenous communities share a profound emotional and spiritual bond with their ancestral lands, and this must be taken into account to prevent cultural alienation. Careful planning based on census data allows authorities to implement heritage preservation initiatives that promote inclusive development.
Since women and youth make up a significant portion of the population in any state, accurate census demographic data help the government implement welfare and employment programs more effectively. It assists policymakers to-
Design region-specific employment schemes to target areas with high unemployment.
Formulate women- and youth-centric welfare and financial measures
Regularly track the progress of different schemes and implement updates to enhance their effectiveness.
The Siang Upper Multipurpose Project (SUMP) is of strategic importance, as it will help minimise the impact of floods caused by China’s sudden release of water, thereby preventing loss of human life and other assets. It will also help maintain water levels during the dry season, mitigating the drinking water crisis. In addition to helping counter the Chinese ploy to weaponize water resources against India, the project will also help generate power to the extent of 11200 MW, depending on the availability of water.
The genuine success of the SUMP will depend not just on building infrastructure or generating power but equally on how well the displaced people are rehabilitated and compensated. This includes not only monetary support but also access to housing, education, healthcare, employment, and other social services. Ultimately, the project’s success will be measured by how seamlessly the displaced individuals can restore their lives and live with dignity.
(The author is the Deputy Commissioner Siang District, Arunachal Pradesh)
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